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BaDcliffc College iHonograpl^iej 

No. 14 



The Neglected Period of 
Anti-Slavery in America 



(1808-1831) 



BY 

ALICE DANA ADAMS, A.M. 



BOSTON AND LONDON 

GINN AND COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 

1908 



.^:. 



LISfiARY of CONGRESS 
Two CoDies Received 

MAH 29 lyoa 

cuss 0-- XXa Mo, 

COPY a. 



Copyright, 190S 
By RADCLIFFE COLLEGE 



ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 



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Cfte atfienseum 33re«« 

GINN & COMPANY • PRO- 
PRIETORS • BOSTON • U.S.A. 



ISaDcliffe College jMionogtapi^jJ 

No. 14 



The Neglected Period of 
Anti-Slavery in America 



(1808-1831) 



i 



BY 



ALICE DANA ADAMS, A.M. 



BOSTON AND LONDON 

GINN AND COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 

1908 



PREFACE 

This monograph is the result of research work done under the 
direction of Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D., of Harvard 
University, during 1898-1899, and in the intervals of other work, 
in 1902-1904. The work was undertaken with the simple purpose 
of gaining inspiration, and help in methods, from association with 
one so justly famed in historical circles, with no idea of any further 
result. A study of the period, 1808-1831, however, showed such 
a wealth of material, and reversed so many of the ideas prevalent 
among historians, that the results have been put into permanent 
form w^ith the hope that the work may prove of some material 
aid to other students and writers of history. 

The period 1808-183 1 has most commonly, perhaps, received 
the name of "the Period of Stagnation." It is credited with no 
aggressive anti-slavery work; it is rarely credited with even real 
anti-slavery sentiment of any sort. The anti-slavery workers are 
said to have trusted that the abolition of the African slave trade 
would do all the work necessary for the benefit of the slave, even 
to his ultimate emancipation, until William Lloyd Garrison with 
his trumpet-blast waked the sleepers and began the new era, 
whose history is familiar to all. 

While it is not to be denied that in some sections of the country 
there was considerable ground for such a characterization of the 
period, it is not in reahty a fair one for all sections, nor for the 
entire period. Investigation has shown anti-slavery sentiment 
where none was suspected; anti-slavery labors where none had 
been heard of; even appeals for immediate and universal eman- 
cipation and violent denunciation of slavery, in a "period of 
stagnation." 

So much material has been found which has always been avail- 
able to one who could spend the timer in its search, and the con- 
clusions which one must inevitably draw from the study of the 
material are so opposite to prevailing opinions, that the period 



iv Preface 

has seemed to deserve the name which has therefore been applied 
to it, — "The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America, 1808- 
1831." 

The research involved was carried on principally in the vicinity 
of Boston, where exhaustive use has been made of the Harvard 
University Library; the Boston Public Library; the Athenaeum; 
the Massachusetts State Library; the Newton Public Library; 
and various private libraries. The writer has also personally 
visited the Library of Congress; Brown University Library; the 
Library of the Historical Society of Rhode Island, at Providence; 
and that of Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. Many 
thanks are due the librarians and assistants, who were of great 
aid in the investigation. In addition to these, many libraries 
were kind enough to send to Harvard Library for consultation 
books which could not be otherwise obtained. Among these 
were the Library Company of Philadelphia, Ridgeway Branch; 
the New York State Library; the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvan'a; Cornell University; the University of Pennsylvania; 
the K \torical Society of Wisconsin; the American Antiquarian 
Society, Worcester, Mass.; Oberhn College; and the Library of 
Congress. 

The writer wishes also to express her gratitude to those who 
have shown interest in the work, not only by welcome words of 
encouragement, but by substantial help in the discovery of ma- 
terial, or in the preparation of the book. Among such are the late 
Judge WiUiam Birney, of Washington, and the late Dr. Leonard 
Woolsey Bacon, of New Haven; Francis J. Garrison and Wendell 
P. Garrison, the two sons of William Lloyd Garrison ; aU of whom 
aided in the discovery of material; to Miss Mary S. Locke, the 
author of the monograph on "Anti-Slavery in America, 1620- 
1808," who, as a fellow-student of Professor Hart, and a writer 
on the previous period of anti-slavery labor, was of substantial 
aid in the beginning of the investigation ; to Miss Louise Manning 
Hodgkins, formerly Professor of Literature at Wellesley College, 
and Miss Frances Bent Dillingham, of Auburndale, who read the 
manuscript ; and to Professor Edwin F. Gay, of Harvard Univer- 
sity, whose review of the proofs has been of great help. Especial 
thanks are due to Professor Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D., of Har- 
vard University, who, in every way, from beginning to end, has 



\ Preface v 

been an inspiration and an aid ; who, with his words of help and 
encouragement, or of criticism and warning has made the book a 
possibility; to whom, more than to anyone else, is due whatever 
success the author may have achieved. 

Alice Dana Adams 

AuBURNDALE, Mass., Sept. 1908 



f"- 



CONTENTS 
CHAPTER I 

Page 
The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest, 1808-1831 .... i 

The three periods of the anti-slavery contest. Numerical impor- 
tance of slavery. Study of the census tables. Condition and treatment 
of the slaves. Six directions of anti-slavery efforts. 

CHAPTER II 

Public Opinion in the South: Men of Prominence 17 

David Rice. David Barrow. John D. Paxton. Thomas Jefferson. 
Henry Clay. James G. Birney. Daniel Raymond. Daniel Bryan. 
Words of Randolph, Crav^rford, Drayton, Benton, and Taney. William 
Swaia Elisha Tyson. Benjamin Lundy. 

CHAPTER III 

Public Opinion in the South: Popular Sentiment 29 

Four divisions of the epoch. The first period, 1808-1814: George 
Fowler; Lewis Dupre; "Arator." Second period, 1814-1819. The third 
period: Missouri Compromise. The fourth period, 182 i-i 831 : begin- 
ning of aggressive work ; individual emancipations ; spirit of emancipa- 
tion in slave states. 

CHAPTER IV 

Public Opinion in the South: Essays, Magazine Articles and 

Newspapers. 39 

Plans for emancipation. Newspaper articles against slavery. William 
Maxwell. Work of women. Of children. Editorials against slavery. 
Niles' Register. Anti-slavery publications. Genius of Universal 
Emancipation. 

CHAPTER V 



Public Opinion in the South: Memorials, Petitions and Res- 
olutions 

Memorials from Maryland. From Tennessee. From the District of 
Columbia. Legislation in favor of the blacks. Virginia Constitutional 
Convention of 1829-1830. United States Congress. 



48 



viii Contents 

CHAPTER VI 

Page 

Public Opinion in the North: Men of Prominence 57 

Group of anti-slavery workers in Illinois: Edward Coles. Group in 
Ohio: Dyer Burgess; Charles Osborn ; James Gilliland; John Rankin. 
Attitude of John Adams; John Quincy Adams; Webster. Congress- 
men from the North. Prominent anti-slavery workers in Philadelphia. 
Daniel Gibbons. William Jay. Elias Hicks. Anti-slavery workers in 
New England: Leonard Bacon; William Lloyd Garrison. 

CHAPTER VII 

Public Opinion in the North: Popular Sentiment 71 

Travelers' witness. Position of negroes. Northern travelers in the 
South. Other writers: Thomas Branagan; John Bristed; C. J. Fox; 
Matthew Carey; "Vigornius." The dark side of slavery. Plans for 
emancipation. Immediate emancipation: George Bourne. 

CHAPTER VIII 

Public Opinion in the North: Newspapers, Resolutions, Legis- 
lation. The Colored Citizen 83 

Anti-slavery periodicals. Sentiment in Ohio. Anti-slavery in Penn- 
sylvania politics. Meetings to protest against slavery in Missouri. 
Slavery in Illinois. Slavery in Indiana. Emancipation in New Jersey 
and New York. Resolutions against slavery extension and for abolition 
in the District of Columbia. Eminent colored men: James Forten; 
Ruesell Parrott; Samuel Cornish. Conventions of colored men. John 
B. Russwurm. David Walker. Walker's "Appeal." 

CHAPTER IX 

Attitude of the Chu~rches g6 

General statements. Methodists: General Conference; Quarterly 
Conference, Maryland; general sentiment. Presbyterian Church: Gen- 
eral Assembly; individual Synods and Presbj-teries : Chillicothe Presby- 
tery. Other denominations. The Society of Friends. 

CHAPTER X 

The Causes of Organized Effort 104 

American Colonization Society. Table of Colonization Societies. Im- 
mediate emancipation. Growth of anti-slavery sentiment. Southern 
"delicacy." "Brutus: The Crisis." 



Contents ix 

CHAPTER XI 

Page 

Anti-Slavery Societies jj5 

General enumeration. Tables. Location of societies. The size of 
the societies. The prominent members. The organization of the socie- 
ties. The work done in the societies. Addresses of the Manumission 
Society of North Carolina. Memorials and petitions. Negro schools. 

CHAPTER Xn 

Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South .... 127 

Delaware. District of Columbia. Kentucky. Tennessee. Mary- 
land. North Carolina. 

CHAPTER XIII 

Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North . . 140 
Massachusetts. Connecticut. Rhode Island. New Jersey. New 
York. Pennsylvania. Ohio. Illinois. Free Labor Societies. Free prod- 
uce stores. 

CHAPTER XIV 

The American Convention 154 

The meetings. The representation. Work qf the Acting Committee. 
Business. Topics discussed. Memorials and resolutions prepared. 
Publications. Discussions. 

CHAPTER XV 

Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 165 

Education of free blacks. Education of slaves. Free labor. Manu- 
mission. Abolition in the District of Columbia. Abolition in the United 
States. Plans for emancipation. 

CHAPTER XVI 

The Influence of the American Convention: Addresses. ... 177 

Addresses to Societies, and others. Later addresses more significant. 
Address of 1821 on the Missouri Compromise. Address of 1825 on the 
abolition of slavery and the danger of slave insurrection. Address of 
1826 on abolition in the District -of Columbia. Addresses of 1827 on 
publications, education of free blacks, and abolition in the District of 
Columbia. Address of 1828, the last of the old Convention : denunciation 
of slavery and abolition in the District of Columbia. 



Contents 



CHAPTER XVII 

Page 

The Influence of the American Convention Memorials. . . . 185 

Memorials to Congress and to the State Legislatures, on abolition in 
the District of Columbia. Memorials on prohibition of slavery in Florida. 
The convention method. The American Convention compared with the 
confederation. Characterization of the American Convention. " Its atti- 
tude guarded yet aggressive. 

CHAPTER XVIII 

Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 195 

African Slave Trade illegal. Legislation against the slave trade. Do- 
mestic slave trade not illegal. A point of attack by the anti-slavery men. 
Fugitive slaves. African colonization. Was the American Colonization 
Society anti-slavery? Anti-slavery advocates of colonization. Pro- 
slavery opponents of colonization. American Convention opposition to 
colonization. Anti-slavery opponents of colonization. Opposition of 
free colored men of Philadelphia. Constitution, reports and addresses 
equivocal. John Quincy Adams' characterization. Only safe deduction 
from the conflicting statements. 

CHAPTER XIX 

Territorial Questions of Slavery 208 

Anti-slavery struggle in Indiana: indenture system; petition for in- 
troduction of slavery; "Log Convention"; Constitution equivocal; 
fugitive slave act of 1824. Struggle over the slavery in Missouri: slavery 
per se; memorials and petitions against slavery in Missouri; "Poca- 
hontas: a Proclamation"; Congressmen on slavery in Missouri ; vi^ords 
of John Q. Adams. Anti-slavery struggle in Illinois: Constitution 
ambiguous; Governor Coles; pro-slavery convention; Birkbeck. 
Slavery in the District of Columbia. 

CHAPTER XX 

Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 222 

Legality of slavery in Northern states. Indenture law of Indiana. 
Kidnapping. Violation of Federal Slave Trade Act. Violation of the 
State transportation laws. Rhode Island. New York. New Jersey. 
Maryland. District of Columbia. Birth in free states. Removal to free 
state. Decisions at variance with the Dred Scott Decision. Rankin vs. 
Lydia, in Kentucky. Omis prohandi on pure negro, but not on "persons 
of color." Other conditions reverse presumption from color: reputation 



Contents xi 

Page 

for freedom ; actual possession of freedom for twenty years. Emancipa- 
tions. Freedman protected in freedom. Enforced emancipation. Suits 
for freedom. Slave given the benefit of all doubts and protected in his 
suit. Fugitive slave laws. Children of slaves. 

CHAPTER XXI 

Court Decisions : The Slave before the Law 239 

Marriage of slaves in the North. Trials of slaves in North by common 
law. Laws concerning trials of slaves in Southern states. Slaves as 
witnesses. Ill-treatment of slaves. Distinction between master and 
stranger. Convictions for cruelty. Penalties for killing slaves. Servile 
insurrection. Denmark Vesey Insurrection. South Carolina Colored 
Seamen's Act. Inflammatory pamphlets in the South. Free negroes in 
the South had many of the rights of the whites. 

CHAPTER XXII 

Conclusion v. - - 249 

"Gradualism." The South indubitably the leader in anti-slavery 
labor during the period. New York and Pennsylvania the leaders among 
the North. Illinois and Ohio contained the most of the reputed immedi- 
ate emancipations. Sectional jealousy and "delicacy." The period one of 
preparation. 

APPENDIX A. Names Mentioned in Connection with Anti- 
Slavery, 1808-1831 253 

Officers of Anti-Slavery Societies and Delegates to American Con- 
ventions. Other Names. Agents of Lundy's " Genius." 

APPENDIX B. Names of Anti-Slavery Societies, 1808-1831 . 264 

APPENDIX C. Table of Court Cases Cited 268 

APPENDIX D. Bibliography 271 

INDEX 299 



THE NEGLECTED PERIOD OF ANTI- 
SLAVERY IN AMERICA 

I 808-1831 

CHAPTER I 
THE ELEMENTS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY CONTEST, 1808-1831 

The question of slavery in the United States has aroused more 
public attention and presents more points of interest to the student 
of history than in any other country. The reason is not far to seek : 
though slavery has existed in Cuba, the French Islands, and the 
British West Indies, and even in England, none of these areas pre- 
sented the spectacle of a house divided against itself, half slave 
and half free. Slavery caused no jealousy betv^een Jamaica and 
St. Kitts, and when the time came England as a nation could find 
no excuse for failure to interfere with the system. Enghsh slavery 
was abolished in the face of the tremendous opposition of the com- 
mercial classes, but when abohshed left no feeling of resentment 
against the pohtical authority which had set the slaves free. The 
feelings of the colonials were soothed by compensation. 

Slavery, introduced into Virginia in 1619, soon took root in the 
country. North as well as South. In the North, however, the slaves 
were in large measure domestic servants, because the climate was 
not propitious for their use as farm servants in large numbers. Be- 
fore long it was found that there was httle profit from such a use 
of slaves, and by degrees, and in the natural course of events, 
slavery ceased to be a factor in the social economy of the Northern 
states. In the South, on the other hand, the climate tempted the 
white settler to idleness, and since it more nearly resembled the 
climate of Africa it was not too severe for the slave. Slavery there- 
fore as a means of accompHshing the work of cultivation without 
undue exertion took a firmer hold. Still even there the haphazard 
methods and proverbial idleness of the slaves would have made 
them a poor investment had it not been for the invention of the 



2 The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 

cotton gin in 1794, which brought that crop immediately to the 
front and made possible its cultivation on a large scale, by the 
help of the negro. The Middle States partook of the character- 
istics of both the North and the South, though, as they raised 
largely neither tobacco nor cotton, by degrees they approached the 
standpoint of the North, 

This history of slavery in brief is well known to every student 
of American History and needs no debate or confirmation. The 
other side of the story, the steady growth of opposition to slavery, 
is much less familiar, and deserves critical investigation. 

The history of the anti-slavery contest in the country is divisible 
into three distinct periods, bearing a certain degree of resemblance, 
and yet showing marked differences. First, the colonial and early 
national period, ending with the great victory of 1807 in the pas- 
sage of the Slave Trade Act, which is critically and exhaustively 
discussed in Miss Mary S. Locke's monograph, "Anti-Slavery in 
America, 1619-1808." Second, the neglected interval between 
1808 and 1831, the so-called "period of stagnation"; and third, 
the well-known epoch of Garrison and the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, 1831-1861. 

The aim of the present writing is to discover any anti-slavery 
sentiment which may have existed in the neglected epoch and to 
prove, if possible, that it was a period, not of stagnation, but of 
growth, during which the anti-slavery forces were still active; a 
period of preparation for the abolition agitation which was finally 
closed by the guns of the Civil War. 

Two prehminary points must be examined at the beginning: 
the actual numerical importance of slavery, and the condition and 
treatment of the slaves. The attitude of the various states toward 
slavery varies as the absolute number of their slaves and the pro- 
portion of negroes to their entire population varied. A study of 
the census tables ^ on the following pages will be of interest as 
throwing light on the causes of this variation. The total number 
of slaves in the whole United States while nearly doubled in the 

1 The tables in this chapter, giving the numbers and ratios of the slaves, free negroes 
and total white population, are compiled, so far as it was possible, from two sources: 
first, "A Statistical View of the Population of the United States, 1790-1830," published 
by the Department of State in 1835; and second, "Statistical Abstract of the United 
States, i8g8," published by the Government in 1899. The numbers not found in either 
of these, and all the ratios, have been found by a simple arithmetical calculation. The 
actual reports of each census have also been studied, and compared with these. 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 



CENSUS OF 1790 



Population 


Ratios 






Colored 




White 


Total 


Colored 


White 




Slave 


Free 


Total 


Slave 


Free 


Total 


Me. 


o 


538 


538 


96002 


96540 





0.56 


0.56 


99-44 


N. H. 


158 


630 


788 


141111 


141899 


O.II 


0.44 


0.55 


99-45 


Ver. 


17 


255 


272 


85144 


85416 


0.02 


0.30 


0.32 


99.68 


Mass. 





5463 


5463 


373324 


378787 





1.44 


1.44 


98.56 


R. I. 


952 


3469 


4421 


64689 


69110 


1.38 


5-02 


6.40 


93.60 


Conn. 


2759 


2801 


5560 


232581 


238141 


1. 16 


1. 18 


2-33 


97-67 


N. Y. 


21324 


4654 


25978 


314142 


340120 


6.27 


1-37 


7.64 


92.36 


N. J. 


11423 


2762 


14185 


169954 


184139 


6.20 


1-50 


7.70 


92.30 


Penn. 


3737 


6537 


10274 


424099 


434373 


0.86 


1-50 


2-37 


97-63 


Ohio 




















Ind. 




















111. 


.. 






.. 












Mich. 










•■ 










Del. 


8887 


3899 


12786 


46310 


59096 


15.04 


6.60 


21.64 


78.36 


Md. 


103036 


8043 


111079 


208649 


319728 


32-23 


2.52 


34-74 


65.26 


D. C. 




















Va. 


293427 


12766 


306193 


4421 15 


748308 


39.21 


1. 71 


40.92 


59.08 


N. C. 


100572 


4975 


105547 


288204 


393751 


25-54 


1.26 


26.80 


73.20 


S. C. 


107094 


1801 


108895 


140178 


249073 


43.00 


0.72 


43-72 


56.28 


Ga. 


29264 


398 


29662 


52886 


82548 


35-45 


0.48 


35-93 


64.07 


Fla. 




















Mo. 




















Ken. 


1 1830 


114 


1 1944 


61 133 


73077 


16.19 


0.16 


16.34 


83.66 


Tenn. 


3417 


361 


3778 


32013 


35791 


9-SS 


1. 01 


10.56 


89.44 


Ala. 




















Miss. 










.. 










La. 




















Ark. 






•- 














U. S. 


697897 


59466 


757363 


3172464 


3929827 


17.76 


1-51 


19.27 


80.73 



Note. The ratios in these tables are xalculated to the nearest hundredth. 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 



CENSUS OF 1800 







Population 






Ratios 




Colored 


White 


Total 


Colored 
















White 




Slave 


Free 


Total 






Slave 


Free 


Total 




Me. 


o 


818 


8i8 


150901 


151719 





0.54 


0.54 


99.46 


N. H. 


8 


856 


864 


182898 


183762 


0.04 


0.47 


0.47 


99-53 


Vt. 


o 


557 


557 


153908 


154465 





0.36 


0.36 


99.64 


Mass. 


o 


6452 


6452 


416393 


422845 





1-53 


1-53 


98.47 


R. I. 


381 


3304 


3685 


65437 


69122 


0.55 


4-78 


5-33 


94.67 


Conn. 


951 


5330 


62S1 


244721 


251002 


0.38 


2.12 


2.50 


97-50 


N. Y. 


20343 


10374 


30717 


556039 


586756 


3-47 


1.77 


5-24 


94.76 


N.J. 


12422 


4402 


16824 


195125 


211949 


5.86 


2.08 


7-94 


92.06 


Penn. 


1706 


14564 


16270 


586095 


602365 


0.28 


2.42 


2.70 


97-30 


Ohio 





337 


337 


45028 


45365 





0.74 


0.74 


99.26 


Ind. 


135 


163 


298 


4577 


4875 


2.77 


3-34 


6.11 


93-89 


111. 




















Mich. 






-- 






•■ 


•• 


■- 




Del. 


6153 


8268 


14421 


49852 


64273 


9-57 


12.86 


22.44 


77-56 


Md. 


105635 


19587 


125222 


216326 


341528 


30.93 


5-73 


36.66 


63-34 


D. C. 


3244 


783 


4027 


10066 


14093 


23.02 


5 


56 


28.57 


71-43 


Va. 


34S7Q6 


20124 


365920 


514280 


880200 


39-29 


2 


29 


41.57 


58.43 


N. C. 


133296 


7043 


140339 


337764 


478103 


27.88 


I 


47 


29.35 


70.65 


S. C. 


146151 


3185 


149336 


19625s 


345591 


42.29 





92 


43.21 


56.79 


Ga. 


59404 


1019 


60423 


101678 


162101 


36.65 





63 


37-27 


62.73 


Fla. 






















Mo. 






















Ky. 


40343 


741 


41084 


179871 


220955 


18.26 





34 


18.59 


81.41 


Tenn. 


13584 


309 


13893 


91709 


105602 


12.86 





29 


13.16 


86.84 


Ala. 






















Miss. 


3489 


182 


3671 


5179 


8850 


39-42 


2 


06 


41.48 


58.52 


La. 






















Ark. 






















U. S. 


893041 


108398 


1001439 


4304502 


5305941 


16.83 


2.04 


18.87 


81.13 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 



CENSUS OF 1810 



Population 


Ratios 






Colored 








Colored 










White 


Total 




T,-...-.- 




Slave 


Free 


Total 


Slave 


Free 


Total 




Me. 


o 


969 


969 


227736 


228705 





0.42 


0.42 


99-58 


N. H. 


o 


970 


970 


213390 


214360 





0.45 


0-45 


99-55 


Vt. 


o 


75° 


750 


216963 


217713 





0-34 


0-34 


99.66 


Mass. 


o 


6737 


6737 


465303 


472040 





1-43 


1-43 


98-57 


R. I. 


108 


3609 


3717 


73314 


77031 


0.14 


4.69 


4-83 


95-17 


Conn. 


310 


6453 


6763 


255279 


262042 


0.12 


2.46 


2.58 


97.42 


N. Y. 


I50I7 


25333 


40350 


918699 


959049 


1-57 


2.64 


4.21 


95-79 


N.J. 


10851 


7843 


18694 


226861 


245555 


4.42 


3-19 


7.61 


92^39 


Penn. 


795 


22492 


23287 


786804 


810091 


O.IO 


2.78 


2.87 


97-13 


Ohio 





1899 


1899 


228861 


230760 





0.82 


0.82 


99.18 


Ind. 


237 


393 


630 


23890 


24520 


0.97 


1.60 


2-57 


97-43 


111. 


168 


613 


781 


11501 


12282 


1-37 


4-99 


6.36 


93-64 


Mich. 


24 


120 


144 


4618 


4762 


0.50 


2.52 


3-02 


96.98 


Del. 


4177 


^2'^?>(> 


17313 


55361 


72674 


5-75 


18.08 


23.82 


76.18 


Md. 


111502 


33927 


145429 


235117 


380546 


29.30 


8.92 


38.22 


61.78 


D. C. 


5395 


2549 


7944 


16079 


24023 


22.46 


10.62 


33-07 


66.93 


Va. 


392518 


30570 


423088 


551534 


974622 


40.27 


3-14- 


43-41 


56-59 


N. C. 


168824 


10266 


179090 


376410 


555-500 


30-39 


1.85 


32.24 


67.76 


S. C. 


196365 


4554 


200919 


214196 


415115 


47-30 


1. 10 


48.40 


51.60 


Ga. 


105218 


1801 


107019 


145414 


252433 


41.68 


0.71 


42-39 


57-61 


Fla. 




















Mo. 


3011 


607 


3618 


17227 


20845 


14.44 


2.91 


17.36 


82.64 


Ky. 


80561 


1713 


82274 


324237 


4065 1 1 


19.82 


0.42 


20.24 


79.76 


Tenn. 


44535 


1317 


45852 


215875 


261727 


17.02 


0.50 


17-52 


82.48 


Ala. 




















Miss. 


17088 


240 


17328 


23024 


40352 


42-35 


0-S9 


42.94 


57.06 


La. 


34660 


7585 


42245 


343" 


76556 


45-27 


9.91 


55-18 


44.83 


Ark. 


■- 


■• 


•- 


-- 


-- 


■- 




-• 


•■ 


U. S. 


1191364 


186446 


1377810 


5862004 


7239814 


16.46 


2.58 


19.03 


80.97 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 



CENSUS OF 1820 







Population 








Ratios 






Colored 








Colorec 














White 


Total 






White 




Slave 


Free 


Total 


Slave Free 


Total 


Me. 


o 


929 


929 


297340 


298269 





0.31 


0.31 


99.69 


N. H. 


o 


786 


786 


243236 


244022 





0.32 


0.32 


99.68 


Vt. 


o 


9°3 


903 


234846 


235749 





0.38 


0.38 


99.62 


Mass. 


o 


6740 


6740 


516419 


523159 





1.29 


1.29 


98.71 


R. I. 


48 


3554 


3602 


79413 


83015 


0.06 


4.28 


4-34 


95.66 


Conn. 


97 


7844 


7941 


267161 


275102 


0.04 


2-85 


2.89 


97.11 


N. Y. 


10088 


29279 


39367 


1332744 


1372111 


0.74 


2.13 


2.87 


97-13 


N.J. 


7557 


12460 


20017 


257409 


277426 


2.72 


4.49 


7.22 


92.78 


Penn. 


211 


30202 


30413 


1017094 


1047507 


0.02 


2.88 


2.90 


97.10 


Ohio 





4723 


4723 


576572 


58129s 





0.81 


0.81 


99.19 


Ind. 


190 


1230 


1420 


145758 


147178 


0.13 


0.84 


0.96 


99.04 


111. 


917 


457 


1374 


53788 


55162 


1.66 


0.83 


2.49 


97-51 


Mich. 





174 


174 


8591 


8765 





1-99 


1-99 


98.01 


Del. 


4S°9 


12958 


17467 


55282 


72749 


6.20 


17.81 


24.01 


75-99 


Md. 


107398 


3973° 


147128 


260222 


407350 


26.36 


9-75 


36.12 


63.88 


D. C. 


6377 


4048 


10425 


22614 


33039 


19.30 


12.25 


31-55 


68.45 


Va. 


425153 


368S9 


462042 


603074 


1065116 


39-92 


3-46 


43-38 


56.62 


N. C. 


205017 


14612 


219629 


419200 


638829 


32.09 


2.29 


34.38 


65.62 


S. C. 


258475 


6826 


265301 


237440 


502741 


51-41 


1.36 


52-77 


47-23 


Ga. 


149656 


1763 


151419 


189566 


340985 


43-89 


0.52 


44.41 


55-59 


Fla. 




















Mo. 


10222 


347 


10569 


55988 


66557 


15-36 


0.52 


15.88 


84.12 


Ky. 


126732 


2759 


129491 


434644 


564135 


22.46 


0.49 


22.95 


77-05 


Tenn. 


80107 


2727 


82834 


339927 


422761 


18.95 


0.65 


19.60 


80.40 


Ala. 


47439 


633 


48072 


96245 


1443 1 7 


32.87 


0.44 


?,2,-2-^ 


66.69 


Miss. 


32814 


458 


33272 


42176 


75448 


43-49 


0.61 


44.10 


55-90 


La. 


69064 


10476 


79S40 


73383 


152923 


45.16 


6.85 


52.01 1 47.99 


Ark. 


1617 


59 


1676 


12579 


14255 


11-34 


0.41 


11.76 


88.24 


u. s. 


1543688 


233566 


1777254 


7872711 


9649965 


16.00 


2.42 


18.42 


81-57 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 



CENSUS OF 1830 



Population 


Ratios 






Colored 




White 


Total 


Colored 


White 




Slave 


Free 


Total 


Slave 


Free 


Total 


Me. 


2 


1190 


1192 


398263 


399455 


.0005 


.298 


0.30 


99.70 


N. H. 


3 


604 


607 


268721 


269328 


.001 


.224 


0.23 


99-77 


Vt. 


o 


8S1 


881 


279771 


2S0652 





0.31 


0.31 


99.69 


Mass. 


I 


7048 


7049 


603359 


610408 


.0002 


1-15 


1-15 


98.85 


R. I. 


17 


3561 


3578 


93621 


97199 


.02 


3-66 


3-68 


96.32 


Conn. 


25 


8047 


8072 


289603 


297675 


.01 


2.70 


2.71 


97.29 


N. Y. 


75 


44870 


44945 


1873663 


191 8608 


.004 


2-33 


2-34 


97.66 


N.J. 


2254 


18303 


20557 


300266 


320823 


.70 


5-71 


6.41 


93-59 


Penn. 


403 


37930 


2,&3ii 


1309900 


1348233 


•03 


2.81 


2.84 


97.16 


Ohio 


6 


9568 


9574 


928329 


937903 


.0006 


1.02 


1.02 


98.98 


Ind. 


3 


3629 


2(^52 


339399 


343031 


.0009 


1.06 


1.06 


98.94 


111. 


747 


1637 


2384 


155061 


157445 


•47 


1.04 


1-51 


98.49 


Mich. 


32 


261 


293 


31346 


31639 


.10 


0.82 


0-93 


99.07 


Del. 


3292 


1585 s 


19147 


57601 


76748 


4.29 


20.66 


24-95 


75-05 


Md. 


102994 


52938 


155932 


29110S 


447040 


23.04 


11.84 


34-88 


65.12 


D. C. 


61 19 


6152 


12271 


27563 


39S34 


15-36 


15-44 


30.81 


69.19 


Va. 


469757 


47348 


517105 


694300 


1211405 


38.78 


3-91 


42.69 


57-31 


N. C. 


245601 


19543 


265144 


472843 


737987 


33-28 


2.6s 


35-93 


64.07 


S. C. 


315401 


7921 


323322 


257863 


581185 


54-27 


1.36 


55-63 


44-37 


Ga. 


217531 


2486 


220017 


296806 


516823 


42.09 


0.48 


42.57 


57-43 


Fla. 


15501 


844 


16345 


18385 


34730 


44-63 


2-43 


47.06 


52-94 


Mo. 


25091 


569 


25660 


"4795 


140455 


17.86 


0.41 


18.27 


81-73 


Ky. 


165213 


4917 


170130 


517787 


687917 


24.02 


0.71 


24-73 


75-27 


Tenn. 


14 1603 


4555 


146158 


535746 


681904 


20.76 


0.67 


2 1-43 


78.57 


Ala. 


1 1 7549 


1572 


119121 


190406 


309527 


37-98 


o.-i 


38.48 


61.52 


Miss. 


65659 


519 


66178 


70443 


136621 


48. 06 


0.38 


48.44 


51-56 


La. 


I 09 5 88 


16710 


126298 


89441 


215739 


50.80 


7-75 


58.54 


41.46 


Ark. 


4576 


141 


4717 


25671 


30388 


15.06 


0.46 


15-52 


84.48 


u. s. 


2009043 


319599 


2328642 


10532060 


12860702 


15-63 


2.49 


18.11 


81.89 



8 The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 

forty years under consideration had not increased so rapidly as the 
whites and had steadily decreased in percentage from 17.76% in 
1790, to 15.63 % in 1830; the change is suggestive in view of the 
new states added to the South during the period. 

Of the six New England states, Massachusetts alone, with its 
District of Maine, reported no slaves in 1790.^ Rhode Island pos- 
sessed the largest proportionate slave population in New England 
at this period, — 1.38 %, although Connecticut was not far be- 
hind, with 1. 16 %. Of the states later known as the "free states," 
New York and New Jersey had in 1790 the largest proportion of 
slaves, — 6.27 % and 6.20 %. It is interesting to notice that Penn- 
sylvania at this early date stood fifth in the list of the nine North- 
ern states then settled, with only .86 % of its population slaves. 

As we turn to the South we find a great difference, even at this 
period. The lowest percentage of slaves, — 9.55 % in Tennessee, 
is far in advance of the highest in the North ; while the highest in 
the South, — 43 % in South Carolina, begins to suggest to us the 
teeming slave populations of later years. 

In 1800 the number of slaves in the North had decreased pro- 
portionately everywhere and absolutely save in New Jersey. The 
number of free negroes had increased in this section with the single 
exception of the state of Rhode Island; and in the "District of 
Maine" a larger proportion was colored than in 1790. In this year 
New Jersey bears the doubtful honor of the largest slave population 
in the North, — 5.86 %; Indiana reports 135 slaves, or 2.77 % of 
the population; while Ohio, w^ith 337 free blacks, confessed to no 
slaves. 

During this decade, 1 790-1800, the proportionate number of 
slaves in Delaware, Maryland and South Carolina decreased, while 
in Virginia the increase was very slight. On the other hand, the 
number of free blacks increased greatly, except in Kentucky and 
Tennessee. In Maryland it actually doubled. The black popula- 
tion as a whole, therefore, increased proportionately as well as 
absolutely, in every Southern state except South Carolina. The 
lowest percentage of slaves in the South is 9.57 %, in Delaware, and 
Tennessee stands second with a percentage of 12.86%. South 
Carolina still leads, but with a slightly smaller proportion, — 42.29%, 
and the new state of Mississippi stands next, with 39.42 %. 

1 There is a claim that the report of 17 from Vermont in 1790 was a mistake. 



The Elements #/ the Anti-Slavery Cmitest 9 

In the census of 1810 the relative distribution was much the 
same. The slaves and free blacks had lessened proportionately in 
every state of the North except Pennsylvania, and there the slaves 
had greatly decreased. Connecticut, however, was the only state 
where the colored population had not absolutely increased. Five 
states report no slaves in this census : Maine, JMassachusetts, New 
Hampshire and Vermont, in New England ; and Ohio, in the West. 
The largest proportion of slaves in a Northern state in 18 10 was 
4.42 % in New Jersey. 

In the South, Delaware, Maryland and the District of Columbia 
each show a proportionate decrease in the number of slaves, with 
an absolute numerical decrease in Delaware of nearly a third. 
The lowest percentage is again in Delaware, — 5-75%; Missouri 
is second, with a percentage of 14.44. South CaroHna still leads, 
with 47.30 %, but the new state of Louisiana closely follows with 
45.27 %, and three others are over 40 %. 

In 1820, the fourth census, Illinois alone in the North reported 
a larger proportion of slaves than in 1810; and in nearly every 
state the whites had made a considerable gain. It is of interest 
to notice that in these ten years just before the struggle in Illinois 
the number of slaves there increased largely, while the number of 
free blacks, both proportionate and absolute, decreased. In 1810 
there were 168 slaves and 613 free blacks, or 1.37 % and 4.99% 
respectively; in 1820 the numbers were 917 and 457; the percent- 
ages 1.66 % and .83 %. 

The condition in the South now becomes slightly different. A 
reaction seems to have taken place in Delaware, which had hitherto 
been steadily approaching comparative freedom; Maryland and 
the District of Columbia continue to decrease as before, Maryland 
in absolute numbers as well as proportionately; and Virginia, 
which had been increasing, loses somewhat proportionately though 
still gaining absolutely. Yet Delaware still has the smallest pro- 
portion of slaves, — 6.20 %. A new state, Arkansas, stands next, 
with 11.34%. During this period the number of slaves in South 
Carolina hafl so grown that they numbered in 1820 more than half 
the population, — 51.41 %. 

In 1830 slaves were reported from every then existing state of 
the Union, save Vermont. The largest number in any New Eng- 
land state, however, was 25 in Connecticut, and the largest propor- 



lo The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 

tion, .02% in Rhode Island. Massachusetts reported only one; 
Maine, two; and New Hampshire and Indiana each three. The 
largest proportion in the Northern states this year was .70 %, com- 
pared with 2.72% in 1820, 4.42% in 1810, 5.86% in 1800, and 
6.27% in 1790. Illinois had passed safely through her struggle, 
and while the number of slaves had decreased, that of free negroes 
had greatly increased. In place of 1.66 % as in 1820, the slaves 
wxre now but .47 % of the population. 

Delaware had recovered ground as the least slave-ridden of the 
Southern states, the number of slaves reported for that state being 
smaller in 1830 than at any former time;^ less than half of the 
number in 1790; and the percentage had decreased to 4.29 %, which 
again was the lowest number in the South. Other states, however, 
had their share in this blessing; ]\Iaryland had fewer slaves and 
a smaller percentage than in 1790; the District of Columbia had 
shown a steady decrease in the proportion since its foundation, 
and in this decade showed an absolute loss ; Virginia and Georgia 
also showed a gain for freedom. South Carolina, as before, led the 
congested states, with the large proportion, — 54.27% of slaves; 
while Louisiana had passed the 50 % mark, and Mississippi was 
coming near it. This census seems to give some ground for the 
assertion so often made that much of the South would have freed 
the slaves if given more time. Something caused the reaction 
later, — either the spirit of opposition raised by the abolitionists, 
as is usually claimed; or the unwillingness of the South, wdien it 
came to the point, to make the sacrifice. The question is one which 
will probably never be satisfactorily settled. 

Though slaves were held during the whole of this period, i8c8- 
183 1, in all the states except Vermont, Massachusetts, Maine, New 
Hampshire and Ohio, yet in the Northern, or, as they were later 
called, the "free states," there were but few of them. All of these 
states had adopted gradual emancipation acts, which were surely, 
though slowly, freeing those that remained. Since the slaves were 
so few in number, and nearly all of them what are termed "do- 
mestic slaves," there was less likelihood of ill treatment, and the 
negro question was not so much of a problem as it was in the far 
South, where the number of negroes was so much larger. In the 

1 The free blacks in Delaware in 1800 outnumbered the slaves; in 1810 and 1820 they 
were nearly three times as many; in 1830 they were nearly five times as many. 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest ii 

Northern states having the most negroes, free and slave, the pro- 
portion of the black population was only from one third to one 
fourth as much as in the Southern state which had the fewest slaves. 
It was not strange that the Northerner who had never traveled in 
the South, and seen the large colored population there, could not 
understand the position of the Southerner, and that the Southerner 
should realize this, and resent his interference. 

To understand the play of public sentiment on the vexed ques- 
tions of slavery from 1808 to 1831 we must also examine briefly 
the conditions of slavery and the slaves in the United States. The 
best authorities on social conditions are the books published by 
European or Northern travelers in the South. Many such books 
omit the subject altogether, or give us no real clue as to the general 
treatment of the slaves. Thus John Lambert refers without much 
specification to brutal treatment of slaves ; ^ Inchiquin speaks little 
of the slave, but mentions the master's indolence in consequence 
of slavery.' It is hard to generalize on the condition and treatment 
of the slaves, for it varied according to the character of their owners. 
As David Benedict says (1813), "The existence of slavery in a 
country is calculated to awaken all the propensities of human 
nature, whether good or bad." ^ The passionate, overbearing and 
cruel master had an ample opportunity to be brutal, while the 
naturally kind-hearted man was merciful. No one who examines 
the evidence can doubt that, certainly before 1830, the majority of 
the slaves were well treated. Many men of the South bought slaves 
they did not need, in order to keep families together."* Household 
servants were often petted, and the field hands well fed and well 
lodged, with leisure time at their disposal. On the other hand, the 
oft-told cruelties did exist ; no master could ensure kind treatment 
to his slaves after his death; while the wasteful system of slave 
labor, and the common carelessness as to money matters, often 
brought the ow^ner to sell his slaves for debt. Slavery in the far 
Southern states was worse than in the Northern tier; and every- 
where one could find masters who cared less for the comfort of 

1 John Lambert: "Travels through Lower Canada and the United States of North 
America," 2. 403-417. 

2 "Inchiquin, the Jesuit's Letters during a Late Residence in the United States of 
America," p. 106. 

3 David Benedict: "General History of the Baptist Denomination," edition of 1S13, 
2. 210. 

4 Benedict (2. 211, 212) gives two instances of this. 



12 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 



their slaves than for that of their horses or dogs. The greatest evil 
of slavery was not in what it was, but in what it always might be. 

For the good treatment of the slaves the travelers bear abundant 
testimony. Paulding, a Northerner who traveled in the South in 
1816, and who distinctly asserted his hatred of slavery, was recon- 
ciled in some measure to the bondage of the negroes by the appear- 
ance of the slave cabins on a Virginia plantation. "Since their 
lot is beyond remedy" it is consoling to find "kindness and plenty." 
He even wondered if the slaves were not often happier than the 
whites, since they were relieved from all care for either present or 
future.^ William Tell Harris, an English traveler in 1817-1819, 
stated that the condition of the slaves was often really better than 
that of many English peasants, except that they were slaves.^ John 
Palmer (181 7) spoke of slavery in Western Virginia as divested of 
most of its terrors, and believed that with very few exceptions the 
slaves were treated kindly in Kentucky and Tennessee; he was 
confident that several slave states were ameliorating the condition 
of their slave population, and Niles, in 18 18, confirms this view 
for Maryland, although he still sees room for improvement.^ . W. 
Faux, in 1823, w^as impressed by the "respectable, happy, and 
healthy appearance of slaves" in Charleston, South Carolina; their 
daily work might be done at one o'clock, "if they labor well," and 
their condition in some respects was better than that of English 
paupers.'* Mrs. Frances (Milton) Trollope, who came to this 
country in 1827, with strong prejudices against slavery, wTOte, after 
becoming acquainted with the institution, that the condition of the 
domestic slaves was rarely bad, but wherever it was hard the slaves 
w/ had no power to change it.^ James Fenimore Cooper wrote in 
1828: "Physical suffering ... is not the prominent grievance of 
slavery. It is the deep moral degradation which no man has a 
right to entail on another, that forms the essence of its shame." ^ 

The evidence on the other side is fairly represented by Francis 
Hall, an English army officer who visited the South in 1816; he 

1 James Kirke Paulding: "Letters from the South," pp. 24, 25, 118. 

2 W. T. Harris: "Remarks made during a Tour through the United States of Amer- 
ica," p. 49. 

3 John Palmer: "Journal of Travels in the United States," pp. 127, 153, 158; Niles' 
Weekly Register, 15. 5. 

* W. Faux: "Memorable Days in America," pp. 41, 59. 

5 Mrs. Frances (Milton) Trollope: "Domestic Manners of the Americans," p. 198. 
See also p. 30. 

6 James Fenimore Cooper: "Notions of the Americans," American edition, 2. 276. 



The Elements of the Anii-Slavery Contest 13 

speaks of the "wretched dwellings and wretched faces," the "cow- 
ering humility," "servile respect" and "fear" in the "shrinking 
eye" seen by him Avhile passing from Philadelphia to Washington. 
He was shocked by the slave law of the Carolinas, and remarked 
that it is not pleasant to live under the uncontrolled will of any man. 
He thought the house and domestic servants in many instances 
were in not much worse condition than the corresponding servants 
in England, but this was not true of the field hands. ^ 

The slaves were treated much better in some parts of the country 
than others; the general rule being, the farther south the more 
miserable the condition. James Flint (1818) wrote that the treat- 
ment of slaves in Kentucky was milder than in the southeastern 
part of the Union.- Hodgson (1819-1820) began to be shocked at 
the looks of the slaves at the first rice plantation he saw, about 
sixty miles from Charleston, South Carolina. He said that slaves 
were better off in Virginia than in Louisiana ; and that in Georgia 
some slaves were allowed to select their own work, a step towards 
manumission.^ Blane also makes a comparison between the North- 
ern and Southern slave states in 1822, to the disadvantage of the 
latter.* Yet John Finch (1823) states that the condition in our 
Southern states was better than that in the West Indies.^ 

The free negroes at the South were little better off than the 
slaves, and many observers thought their condition worse. Thomas 
Hamilton, a Scotchman, wrote (1829 or 1830) that the negroes were 
slaves over the whole of the United States, so far as equal rights 
were concerned; that the law left the free negro "a masterless 
slave." ^ 

One indication of the condition of the colored race is the presence 
or absence of schools or churches for their secular and religious 
education. In many of the slave states there were laws prohibiting 
the education of the slaves, and equally of the free blacks, who were 
nearly always under the regulations of the Black Code. The reason 

1 Lieut. Francis Hall: "Travels in Canada and the United States," pp. 247, 321, 
324-328, 329. 

2 James Flint : "Letters from America," p. 116. 

3 Adam Hodgson: "Letters from North America," English edition, i. 24, 25, 41, 
112, 308. The American edition in one volume was unauthorized and imperfect. See 
English edition, Preface, p. vi. 

* William Newnham Blane : " An Excursion through the United States and Canada," 
pp. 201-205. 

6 John Finch : "Travels in the United States and Canada," p. 240. 
8 Thomas Hamilton: "Men and Manners in America," pp. 57, 58. 



14 The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 

was obvious: education would rouse the slaves from their quiet, 
and make severe penalties necessary.' Still there were schools for 
colored children at the South : an adult negro school in Baltimore 
in 1820 had one hundred and eighty pupils; there were six hun- 
dred negroes in the Sunday Schools of the city, who had formed 
themselves into a Bible Association, and been received into con- 
nection with the Baltimore Bible Society.- In 1825 a day and 
night school for colored persons was advertised in Baltimore, 
with Enghsh branches, and also Latin and French;^ in 1829 
an "African Free School" was established in the same city, where 
from one hundred and fifty to one hundred and seventy scholars 
were taught every Sunday ; * not long after a school for girls of 
color was opened by a religious society of colored women ; ^ in 
1830 a school for poor children of both sexes is mentioned as an 
object of benevolence, by nine signers, among whom were John 
Breckinridge and Daniel Raymond.® Probably such schools 
existed elsewhere.^ 

But little mention is made of colored church-members at the 
South, or of churches composed of negroes.^ Only one Meth- 
odist church is named : one in Charleston, South Carolina, which, 
a few years before 18 13, had eighteen hundred members, of whom 
it was supposed that more than fifteen hundred were negroes.^ 
Baptist churches were somewhat more numerous : one in Augusta, 
Georgia, was prosperous, although it had decreased in membership 
since its organization ; it had in 1813 less than four hundred mem- 
bers.^" There were three colored Baptist churches in Savannah, 
Georgia, in 1813; one, founded about 1775, had fifteen hundred 

1 American Jurist, vii. i8; John Duncan: "Travels through Part of the United 
States and Canada," 2. 334. 

- Adam Hodgson: "Letters from North America," 2. 218. 

3 "The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 5. 56. 

4 Ihid. 10. 18. 5 ji)i^_ 10. J42. 6 Ihid. 10. 151. 

7 The facts that the only contemporary periodical during the most of these years, 
which viras devoted to these topics, was pubhshed in Baltimore, and that but few papers 
and periodicals of that day are now extant, may account for the prominence of Baltimore. 
For further references in books of travel to the condition and treatment of slaves see, for 
example, Adam Hodgson: "Letters from North America," pp. 24, 25, 46; Estwick 
Evans: "A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles," pp. 219, 222, 223, 225; E. 
Howitt: "Selections from Letters Written during a Tour through the United States," 
pp. 79, 212; W. Faux: "Memorable Days in America," p. 68; C. D. Arfwedson : "The 
United States and Canada," i. 238-240, 308, 323, 327, 331-335, 340, 351, 352, 425, 429. 
See also the "Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the .Abolition of 
Slavery," for 1826, pp. 33, 36. 

8 Benedict ("General History of the Baptist Denomination," edition of 1813, 2. 194, 
207) says that there were a good many blacks in the churches at the South. 

9 Ibid. 2. 213. 10 Ibid. 2. 193. 



The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Contest 15 

members, all colored; the pastor was "working his time out," 
his predecessor having bought his freedom after beginning to 
preach. A second church, established in 1802, had, in 1813, 
three hundred members, a very comfortable house, and a pastor 
who had worked his time out. The third church, an offshoot 
of the first, founded in 1803, was quite small.^ In 1822 there 
were two Baptist churches in Petersburg, Virginia, belonging to 
people of color, and an African Missionary Society, also com- 
posed of negroes.^ 

The elements of the anti-slavery contest during the period be- 
twTen 1808 and 1831 differed greatly from those of the contest 
before that time. The efforts of the anti-slavery workers were put 
forth in six directions, mainly, with varying success, and with vary- 
ing energy. 

1. The foreign slave trade had been one of the chief points of 
attack in the earlier period, but was now prohibited by law, and 
although it was carried on for many years after 1808, in face of all 
prohibitions and penalties, it was under the ban of law, no longer 
open to discussion. But the neglect to enforce the law was ex- 
tremely harmful to the cause, and to the nation, for, as Dubois 
says: "Poor enforcement, moreover, in the years 1808 to 1820 
meant far more than at almost any other period; for these years 
were, all over the European world, a time of stirring economic 
change, and the set which forces might then take would in a later 
period be unchangeable without a cataclysm." ^ 

2. The closing of the foreign slave trade opened another field of 
attack on the system, for the domestic trade took on an impetus 
which made it, almost before the watchers were aware, a formid- 
able bulwark of slavery. As early as 1808 the "border states" 
where the labor of slaves was somewhat less profitable had begun 
to direct their attention to the breeding of slaves for the Southern 
markets, where the hard work and the unhealthful climate to- 
gether made a constant demand for fresh material. 

3. Another important element of the anti-slavery contest was 
the struggle over the admission of Missouri, which brought to the 
front the question of the extension of the area legally open to slavery. 

1 Benedict; "General History of the Baptist Denomination," edition of 1S13, 2. 
189-193. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 161. 

3 W. E. B. Dubois: "The Suppression of the African Slave Trade," p. 109. 



i6 The Elements of the Anti-Slavery Cojitest 

Though the territorial problem had been under discussion in dif- 
ferent phases ever since the adoption of the Constitution, it was 
not till after the War of 1812 that its seriousness became manifest. 

4. The reverse of the question of limiting slavery where it ex- 
isted was that of allowing slavery where it had been prohibited by 
law. A large number of the inhabitants of Indiana Territory 
petitioned Congress for permission to establish slavery, and put 
slavery on the defensive. Even before 1808 the territorial Legis- 
lature passed legislation ^ scarcely consistent with the Ordinance 
of 1787; and had the decision been in the hands of the people of 
the territory we might have seen a sharp and bitter struggle in 
Indiana. In Illinois such a struggle actually came in the early 
twenties, and anti-slavery sentiment prevented the legal admission 
of slavery into a state where it had been prohibited. 

5. Over slavery in the District of Columbia Congress had com- 
plete control, should it choose to exercise it; and after 1809, when 
the first petition on the subject during this period was presented, 
anti-slavery took the offensive by the effort to procure the passage 
of emancipation laws, and thus to prohibit slavery where it had 
formerly been allowed. 

6. The question of fugitive slaves arose as soon as the nation 
came into existence, and was registered in the Constitution, but 
from 1808 to 183 1 the opposition to the fugitive slave law was one 
of the smaller incidents of the struggle. But the Underground 
Railroad had an existence in fact, if not in name, as early as 1786, 
and there were never Avanting those who gave aid to fugitives.^ 

It has often been claimed that immediate emancipation was not 
demanded by any of the anti-slavery men before Garrison. This 
statement cannot stand; but it is true that the majority of the 
opponents of slavery in this period advocated gradual emancipa- 
tion, and expressed a disbehef in the possibility of effecting imme- 
diate abolition, or a belief that it would be harmful to black and 
white ahke. The minority advocated the immediate cessation of 
slavery, and it was strongest in the Northern, especially in the 
Northwestern states. 

1 Annals of Congress, loth Congress, ist Session, 1331; see also Mary S. Locke: 
"Anti-slavery in America, 1619-1808," § 170. 

- Wilbur H. Siebert: "Light on the Underground Railroad," in the "American 
Historical Review" for April, 1896, p. 460. 



CHAPTER II 
PUBLIC OPINION IN THE SOUTH: MEN OF PROMINENCE 

During the period between 1808 and 183 1 many Southerners 
were trying to throw off or to lessen the burden of slavery, while 
the large proportion of Northerners were apathetic. On the other 
hand, long before the formation of the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, even before the doctrine of immediate emancipation was 
advocated by Garrison in Lundy's " Genius," extreme delicacy had 
appeared in the South on the subject of slavery. A close examina- 
tion of all the sources upon which we can found a judgment as to 
the attitude of the South on the subject of slavery makes it plain 
that neither of these views commonly held is without foundation. 

While it is true that of the large proportion of the Southerners 
who advocated emancipation and abolition we know nothing, or no 
more than the name alone, ^ of some few we have a fuller account, 
and some prominent clergymen, politicians and literary men are 
found in the anti-slavery ranks. David Rice, a Southern clergy- 
man, the most of whose life was passed during the period before 
1808, still exercised an influence in his later years. His attitude 
on the subject may be seen from a speech before the Kentucky 
Constitutional Convention, which, though uttered in 1792, was re- 
pubhshed in 181 2 and 1862, in each of the other great anti-slavery 
periods. In this he stigmatized slavery as "injustice and robbery," 
and owners of slaves as " licensed robbers." " The first thing to be 
done is To resolve UNCONDITIONALLY to put an end to 

SLAVERY EST THIS STATE." ^ 

David Barrow, a Virginian by birth, was publicly expelled from 
an association of Baptist ministers in Kentucky "for preaching 
emancipation." In a pamphlet entitled " Involuntary, Unmerited, 

1 A list of names found in connection with anti-slavery will be found in Appendixes 
A and B. 

2 Rev. Robert Davidson: "History of the Presbyterian Church in the State of Ken- 
tucky," p. 71; Rev. David Rice: "Slavery Inconsistent with Justice and Good Policy," 
edition of 1S62, pp. 3, 9, 12. Capitals as in the original. 

2. 17 



i8 Public Opinion in the South: 

Perpetual, Absolute, Hereditary Slavery Examined, on the Princi- 
ples of Nature, Reason, Justice, Policy, and Scripture," he is said 
to have especially denounced the inconsistency of the use of religious 
formulas in connection with the bequest of slaves, and to have ad- 
vocated immediate emancipation.^ 

John D. Paxton, born and educated in Virginia, was for some 
time pastor in Virginia, and later in Kentucky, He beheved in the 
" moral evil of slavery and the duty of Christians to aid them and 
free them," and was a member of the Presbyterian Assembly which 
denounced slavery in 1818. In 1826 he gave offense to his congre- 
gation at Cumberland, Virginia, and was dismissed from his charge, 
for his essays on slavery in the "Family Visitor," a rehgious paper. 
Just after he had been obliged to leave this pastorate he wrote his 
"Letters on Slavery" for the purpose of justifying himself with the 
public. Owing to some excitement, the nature of which is not 
mentioned, the publication of these "Letters" was delayed till 
1833. In the Appendix he printed the article which gave offence 
to his people. In this he said that the Golden Rule forbids slavery, 
and compared the sin of defrauding another of his property to the 
sin of slaveholding, to the great disadvantage of the latter. The 
"Letters" were written "to prove ... the moral evil of slavery and 
the duty of Christians" to free the slaves. He declares slavery con- 
trary to : — I. The fundamental principles of our civil institutions, 
(a) The right to personal liberty, and the other "inalienable 
rights" contended for in our Declaration of Independence, (b) The 
right to judgment in the courts by disinterested persons, (c) The 
right to have the child free from the results of the parents' crimes 
or misfortunes, (d) The right to property. II. Natural rela- 
tions : — Husband and wife ; parent and child ; and the relation 
of the human being to God." 

^ The stinging words of Jefferson on slavery are widely quoted, 
and his work before 1808 has often been mentioned. During the 

1 The fullest account of this pamphlet is found in Benedict: "General History of the 
Baptists," edition of 1813, 2. 248, 250. The exact date of the publication of Barrow's 
book is not mentioned, but from the context we may judge it to be in 1807-1809. The 
pamphlet is probably not extant, since careful search and inquiry have failed to bring it to 
light; the wording of the title and description of its contents must therefore rest on the 
authority of Benedict. A David Barrow of Kentucky was mentioned in The Genius 
of Universal Emancipation, in 1821. 

2 John D. Paxton: "Letters on Slavery." See especially the preface, and pp. 3, 53- 
59, 195-203. See also a review of the "Letters" with some details of his life, in the 
Christian Quarterly Spectator, vol. 5, p. 631 (for Dec. 1S33); and also, Samuel J. May: 
"Some Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict," pp. 10, 11. 



Men of Prominence 19 

latter part of his life he took no active part in the anti-slavery cam- 
paign, although often asked to do so. His words of refusal, how- 
ever, show his sympathy with the cause, as well as his somewhat 
erroneous views as to methods. It is in a letter to John Holmes, 
on the Missouri Question, written in April, 1820, that we find the 
phrases so often quoted: "We have the wolf by the ears"; "a 
firebell in the night"; the disadvantages of a "geographical line"; 
and the advantageous results of "diffusion." ^ 
y Henry Clay, not usually associated in our minds with anti- 
slavery, showed at many times an interest in the slaves, and sym- 
pathy for them, although it is difficult, if not impossible, to ascer- 
tain his true position on the subject. In 1797, at the risk of losing 
the popular favor so desired by him as a young lawyer with aspi- 
rations for political preferment, he advocated the insertion of an 
article on gradual emancipation in the Kentucky constitution ; and 
he often volunteered as advocate for slaves bringing action for their 
liberty. In 1827 and again in 1829 he referred to his efforts for 
gradual emancipation in 1797 with expressions of the deepest sat- 
isfaction that he had had a share in the good work, though the 
result had not been what they desired ; in 1829 he states his opinion 
that the South had fallen behind the North in agriculture, manu- 
factures and general prosperity, and that the reason was to be 
found in the existence of slavery. In 1827 he used the strongest of 
words in expressing the opposition to slavery inherent in every 
man: "We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitating 
of this question. ... If they would repress all tendencies toward 
liberty and ultimate emancipation . . . they must go back to the 
era of our liberty and independence, and muzzle the cannon which 
thunders its annual joyous return. They must revive the slave 
trade with all its train of atrocities. They must blow out the moral 
lights around us, and extinguish that greatest torch of all which 
America presents to a benighted world, pointing the way to their 
rights, their liberties, and their happiness. And when they have 
achieved all these purposes, the work will yet be incomplete. They 
must penetrate the human soul and eradicate the light of reason, 
and the love of liberty. Then, and not till then, when universal 
darkness and despair prevail, can you perpetuate slavery and re- 

1 Elihu B. Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," pp. 24-27; Henry S. Randall: 
"Life of Thomas Je£Ferson," 3. 456, 643-645; see also pp. 498, 499- 



20 Public Opinion in the South: 

press all sympathies and all humane and benevolent efforts among 
freemen, in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race doomed to 
bondage." However in 1830 he refused to be the leader in a society 
for gradual abolition in Kentucky, and advised his friends to do 
the same; and later still he expressed himself as having no sym- 
pathy for the "incendiary spirit of immediate emancipation" 
which he found in the new anti-slavery party.^ 

Another prominent man of the South who later identified him- 
self with the anti-slavery cause was James G. Birney, a Ken- 
tuckian by birth. He was a lawyer, prominent in the politics of 
both Kentucky and Alabama, in both of which states he was in- 
strumental in the passage of acts designed to improve the condition 
of the slaves. Yet Birney was not an abolitionist until after 1832; 
he was a slaveholder, with, apparently, no thought of interfering 
with slavery as an institution, although, as he himself said, he could 
not remember a time when he thought slavery to be right. He con- 
fined his efforts to checking importation, abolishing slave markets, 
and securing kind treatment for the slaves. He never bought a 
slave in the market, and only sold those he owned when he found 
there was no other way to ensure their kind treatment, since he 
himself must rely upon an overseer. Mr. Birney was at this time 
a good representative of many of the Southern slaveholders of the 
period, who, although firmly convinced that slavery was an evil, 
did not yet see clearly the true means for its removal.^ 

One of the most efficient workers in Maryland was Daniel Ray- 
mond, a lawyer of high standing. Three times he stood as the 
abolition candidate for the House of Delegates of Maryland, and 
although never elected, the number of votes cast for him shows 
some strength of anti-slavery opinion in Baltimore. In 18 19 he 
published a pamphlet on the Missouri Question, in which he said : 
"It is admitted by all parties, slaveholders or not, that slavery is 
the greatest curse our country is afflicted with — it is a foul stain 
on our national escutcheon, a canker which is corroding the moral 
and political vitals of our country. There is but one voice on the 
subject, and that is the voice of condemnation, as an enormous and 

1 Calvin Colton : "The Life and Times of Henry Clay," pp. 39, 189, 190; Epes 
Sargent: "Life of Henry Clay," pp. 20, 21; Carl Schurz: "Life of Henry Clay," i. 30, 
31, 181, 304; Address before the Kentucky Colonization Society, at Frankfort, Ky., 
Dec. 17, 1829, pp. 7, 8; William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 98- 
loi. See also below, p. 35. 

2 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 24, 34, 38, 40. 



Men of Prominence 21 

an alarming evil," The difference in opinion was in the remedy; 
he himself did not beheve in diffusion, nor in forcible emancipa- 
tion by law. Raymond published two books on Political Economy, 
in both of which he discussed slavery, as a detriment to the public 
prosperity and the cause of the comparative poverty of the South. 
In the first of these he uses the strong expression that when all the 
evils from America, including slavery, are thought of, one almost 
regrets that America was discovered. He considered that slavery 
was no more "inevitable" than the depraved state of man, and its 
existence was no justification.-'^ 

Daniel Bryan, a member of the Virginia Legislature in 1820, 
spoke very strongly against some excessively pro-slavery resolu- 
tions on restriction in Missouri. He used very strong arguments, 
one of which was that if an American had the right to buy an 
African, an African had the right to buy an American. Many 
poems from his pen are quoted by Bourne, in his "The Book and 
Slavery Irreconcileable." The following is among the more 
striking : 

"Point to me the man, 

Who will not lift his voice against the trade 

In human souls and blood, and I pronounce, 

That he nor loves his country, nor his God. %^^ 

Is he a Christian then? who holds in bonds 

His brethren; cramps the vigour of their minds; 

Usurps entire dominion o'er their wills, 

Bars from their souls the light of moral day, 

The image of the great Eternal Spirit 

Obliterating thence? Before your God, 

Whose holy eye pervades the secret depths 

Of every heart, do you who hold enthrall'd 

Your fellow-being's liberty, believe 

That you are guiltless of a damning crime? 

Be undeceived — and cleanse from guilt and blood 

Your crimson'd conscience, and polluted hands." ^ 

John Randolph of Virginia made a speech in Congress in 1816 
on the "infamous traffic" in slaves in the District of Columbia, 

1 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 82, S3; Daniel Ray- 
mond: "The Missouri Question," p. 3; "Thoughts on Political Economy," 1820 (see 
especially pp. 434-461); "Elements of Political Economy," 1823 (sec especially i. 54; 
2. 356). For some speeches of Raymond, see The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 
5- 36, 37. etc. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 7. 145; George Bourne: "The Book 
and Slavery Irreconcileable," p. 4; see also pp. 6, 14 and 95. 



2 2 Public opinion in the South: 

and wished an end put to it by Act of Congress. Later he ex- 
pressed his abhorrence of the institution ; declared it a curse to the 
master; and prophesied retribution to the whites: '"Do as you 
would be done by.' Every man who leaves that great high road 
will have the chahce which he himself has poisoned — the chalice 
of justice, even-handed justice, put to his own lips by the God of 
nature, who does not require abolition societies to carry his purpose 
into execution." Compare with these strong words his attitude 
in 1807, when he vehemently denounced a bill intended to restrict 
in some measure that "infamous traffic" the interstate slave trade.^ 

William H. Crawford of Georgia, a prominent slaveholder, 
•wrote to Governor Coles of Illinois, during the struggle in that 
state: "Is it possible that your Convention is intended to intro- 
duce slavery into the state? I acknowledge if I were a citizen I 
should oppose it with great earnestness; where it has ever been 
introduced it is extremely difficult to get rid of, and ought to be 
treated with great delicacy." ^ 

William Drayton of South Carolina, in a debate in the House 
in 1828, said: "Slavery, in the abstract, I condemn and abhor. I 
know no terms too strong to express my reprobation of those who 
would introduce it into a nation. . . . However ameliorated by 
compassion, — however corrected by rehgion, — still slavery is a 
bitter draught, and the chalice which contains the nauseous potion 
is perhaps more frequently pressed by the lips of the master than 
of the slave." ^ « 

Thomas H. Benton, associated with nothing less than with anti- 
slavery, said in 1829, in the midst of a bitter invective against 
Northern agitators: "To them I can truly say that slavery in the 
abstract has but few advocates or defenders in the slaveholding 
states." ^ 

It is especially interesting to find a quotation from a speech by 
Roger B. Taney, as counsel for the defense of Rev. Jacob Gruber, 
in 1819. Gruber, a Methodist clergyman, was on trial for "at- 
tempting to excite insubordination and insurrection among slaves" 
by a sermon on the evils of slavery. Taney acknowledged all the 

1 Annals of Congress, 14th Congress, ist Session, 1115; "Views of American Slav- 
ery a Century Ago," Appendix, p. 134; Niles' Weekly Register, 30. 453, 454. 

2 Elihu B. Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," p. 131; Burke A. Hinsdale: 
"The Old Northwest," p. 363. 

3 Register of Debates, 20th Congress, 1st Session, 974. 
* Thomas H. Benton: "Thirty Years' View," i. 136. 



Men of Prominence 23 

facts alleged, but asserted that there was no offence. He denounced 
slavery, and expressed his strong hope that it would be effectually, 
though it must be gradually, wiped away. While it remained it 
was a blot on our national character, and every friend of humanity 
must do what he could to lighten the burden, and better the con- 
dition of the slaves.^ 

A most valuable aid to the anti-slavery party was William 
Swaim of North Carolina, a gifted man. He assisted Lundy in 
the publication of the "Genius" for about six months, in 1827 
and 1828; and later became editor of the "Greensboro' (N. C.) 
Patriot," in which he published much anti-slavery matter, and 
advocated editorially the manumission of the slaves. He held 
firmly to his course, notwithstanding great opposition and even 
threats of violence. Threatening letters he printed and answered, 
and public speakers tried in vain to cope with him. In March, 
1830, Swaim, as one of the managers of the Manumission Society 
of North Carolina, wrote an address to the people of the state on 
the evils of slavery. This was reprinted in i860, in the form of 
a facsimile of the original edition. The address was a long argu- 
ment against slavery, and as the product of the Manumission 
Society will be more fully discussed.^ 

While many men of Northern birth who made their homes in 
the South became even more fiercely pro-slavery than the native- 
born Southerners, a number carried with them a firm conviction 
of the wrong of slavery and did not hesitate to express it. Of 
these, Elisha Tyson, a native of Philadelphia living in Baltimore, 
was one of the most active, early becoming a member of the Mary- 
land Anti-Slavery Society. He consecrated the best energies of 
his life to the slaves, and retired somewhat early from business 
that he might devote his whole attention to the abolition move- 
ment. His entire life proved that he regarded slavery as a sin to 
be repented of and abandoned instantly. He confined himself, 
however, almost entirely to the protection of slaves in the courts, 
and the procuring their freedom by legal means. Judge Nichol- 
son of Baltimore County was of great assistance to Tyson, so far 
as he was able. A prejudiced pro-slavery man, from the most pro- 
slavery part of Maryland, he was thoroughly converted to anti- 

* "Views of American Slavery a Century Ago," p. 136. 

^ Stephen B. Weeks : " Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 240. See below, pp. 123, 124. 



24 Public Opinion in the South: 

slavery through the instrumentahty of Tyson, and when it could 
possibly be made consistent with his conscience he decided in 
favor of the slave. Other judges are mentioned as assisting in 
the good work, but not by name, as they were living at the time 
of writing. Tyson was interested in forming the "Protection 
Society of Maryland" to secure to negroes their legal rights and 
privileges. His characteristic modesty is shown by the fact that, 
although this society came together at his invitation, he absented 
himself from the meeting, lest others might think he sought praise. 
The work of Tyson was not confined to the section where he lived, 
but extended over the whole of Maryland, partly by the rescue of 
slaves entitled to their liberty; and partly in the passage of laws 
to better their condition. He is said to have rescued at least two 
thousand from illegal slavery. His opinions are thus summed up 
by his biographer: (i) Since slaveholders can manumit slavery 
is not a necessary evil; (2) The sin of continuing slavery is not 
excused by its introduction by ancestors ; (3) If the free are worse 
off than the slave it is not because of freedom.^ 

By far the most prominent Southern worker of this period — 
indeed we may fairly say the most prominent worker in the coun- 
try — was a Quaker born in New Jersey, Benjamin Lundy, He 
is said to have been " the first to establish anti-slavery periodicals, 
to deliver anti-slavery lectures, and probably to encourage socie- 
ties for free labor." This, while not all literally true, is sufficiently 
so for a general statement, since he was the most active worker 
of his time in these directions, and his paper was the first period- 
ical devoted exclusively to anti-slavery which was continued more 
than two years. Lundy became an abohtionist during a residence 
in Wheeling, Virginia, at the age of nineteen; and thereafter de- 
voted his best energies to the cause of the slave. In 181 5 he or- 
ganized "The Union Humane Society" at St. Clairsville, Ohio, 
where he was then living. In 1824 he delivered a number of lec- 

1 "The Life of Tyson. By a Citizen of Baltimore" (John S. Tyson), was written in 
1825 to prove from the success of EHsha Tyson the inadvisability of immediate eman- 
cipation. It is full of gross errors; for example, on page 102 the Missouri struggle is 
spoken of as occurring in 1S22; Tyson is said to have been 60 years old in iSoo or iSoi 
(pp. 62, 96); about 1822, he was 70 (p. 106); while in 1S24, at the time of his death 
(p. 121) he was 75. This last age is probably correct. There is a question, therefore, how 
much dependence can be put upon any of its dates. There is some question, also, as to the 
date of Tyson's retirement from business, and consequent entire devotion to the cause of 
the slave. In this Life the generally accepted date, iSiS, is given in the text (p. 99), but 
changed in the errata to 179S. A study of the text leaves one uncertain which date is 
correct, although 18 18 seems much the more probable. 



Men of PromUience 25 

tures on the subject of slavery, and began his real work of organi- 
zation. His first pubhc lecture was at Deep Creek, North Caro- 
lina, where at an adjourned meeting a society was organized. He 
held fifteen or twenty more meetings, using every opportunity to 
obtain audiences. As a result twelve or fourteen societies were 
formed before he left North Carolina. He then traveled through 
Virginia, holding meetings and organizing societies. During the 
remainder of his life he lectured in almost every state of the Union, 
and was the principal agent in forming anti-slavery societies in 
various parts of the country, often in slaveholding districts, and 
sometimes composed in part of slaveholders.^ 

Early in 1828 Lundy made a journey to the North, stopping 
at Philadelphia, New York, Providence and Boston, to lecture, 
and hold meetings to discuss the formation of anti-slavery socie- 
ties. He had small success. During a second visit in the latter 
part of the same year he first met Garrison. A quotation from 
"The Journal of the Times" for December 12, 1828, gives Garri- 
son's estimate of Lundy at this time. He is disappointed at seeing 
so diminutive a person; "instead of being able to withstand the 
tide of public opinion it would at first seem doubtful whether he 
could sustain a temporary conflict with the winds of heaven. And 
yet he has explored nineteen of the twenty-four states — from the 
Green Mountains of Vermont to the banks of the Mississippi — 
multiplied anti-slavery societies in every quarter, put every peti- 
tion in motion relative to the extinction of slavery in the District 
of Columbia, everywhere awakened the slumbering sympathies 
of the people, and begun a work, the completion of w^hich will be 
the salvation of his country. ... It should be mentioned, too, 
that he has sacrificed several thousand dollars in this holy cause." 
It is interesting, in connection with the account of his many lec- 
tures in all parts of the country, to read the following extract 
from "The Liberator" of September 20, 1839, after the death of 
Lundy : " He was not a good public speaker. His voice was too 
feeble, his utterance too rapid, to interest or inform an audience, 
yet he never spoke wholly in vain." ^ 

1 Thomas Earl: "The Life, Travels and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy," pp. 14. 
16, 21; Edward Needles: "An Historical Memoir of the Pennsylvania Society for . . . 
Abolition of Slavery," pp. 83, 84; "William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1870," 1. 87; William 
Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 390. 

- Earl: "Life of Lundy," p. 25; "William Lloyd Garrison," i. 92, 93, and Note. 
For connection of Garrison and Lundy see below, pp. 68-70. 



26 Public Opinion in the South: 

Lundy began his editorial work against slavery, the branch of 
his labors for which he is best known, in 1817, by the selection of 
articles for publication in "The Philanthropist," a paper edited 
by Charles Osborn at Mt. Pleasant, Ohio. Later he was offered 
a partnership with Osborn, which he gladly accepted, but at once 
gave up in order to devote himself heart and soul to the Missouri 
struggle. Early in 182 1 he began the pubhcation of his own paper, 
"The Genius of Universal Emancipation." This continued, with 
a few brief lapses, until 1836. He died in 1839, "after twenty- 
three years of unparalleled labors for the promotion of the abolition 
of slavery." ^ The "Genius" will be hereafter considered, but a 
few extracts from such writings as are undoubtedly his will illus- 
trate his point of view. 

It is not easy to be sure of the exact position which he held on 
the anti-slavery question, or, more particularly, on the question 
of how to abohsh slavery. It is generally claimed that he was not 
in any degree an advocate of immediate or general emancipation ; 
yet he was willing to allow arguments for immediate emancipa- 
tion to be inserted in his paper, even before the time of Garrison. 
So far as we can judge from his writings, it would seem that he 
was uncompromisingly opposed to slavery, on all grounds; that 
he relied on gradual emancipation, as the only means which would 
commend itself to the requisite number of people to ensure its 
success; that he believed in a constant discussion of slavery, and 
a constant denunciation by its opponents; that he believed in an 
immediate abandonment of the slave trade, and the immediate 
passage of all possible laws for the amelioration of the condition 
of the slaves, as tending towards ultimate emancipation. Later 
he became an advocate of the colonization scheme, preferring, 
however, to send the negroes to Hayti. 

In the first volume of "The Genius of Universal Emancipa- 
tion" he formulated a plan for emancipation which he presented 
as distinctly his own. This plan is in seven articles, and might 
be said to deserve the name of immediate gradualism, i. The 
national government should totally abolish slavery in all districts 

1 "William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879," i. 88; Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 391; 
Needles: "Historical Memoir of the Pennsylvania Society," p. 83. The last-named says 
that he purchased Osborn's paper, and devoted it entirely to anti-slavery under the 
new title; but according to Earl, "Life of Lundy," p. ig, Osborn sold it to Elisha Bates, 
who "did not come up to Lundy's standard of anti-slavery," and therefore left Lundy with 
no medium of publication. For a fuller account of the "Genius," see Lelow, pp. 45-47. 



Men of Prominence 27 

over which Congress has exclusive control, and receive no new 
states without constitutional prohibition of slavery. 2. Let trans- 
portation of slaves from one state to another be prohibited under 
severest penalties. 3. Let the free states agree to receive blacks 
on the same footing as whites. 4. Let all blacks who are willing 
to leave the country be aided to do so. (Note this is not compul- 
sory colonization.) 5. Let all slaveholding states make simul- 
taneous arrangements for gradual but certain emancipation, and 
repeal their laws against the blacks. 6. Let the regulation con- 
cerning slave representation be immediately abolished; and 7. 
Let a regular convention annually settle the details of a regular 
system of operations.^ Notwithstanding the immediateness of 
this plan for gradual emancipation, Lundy said in 1823, in an 
editorial: "Nobody urges an immediate liberation of the slave," ^ 
and again in 1824: "In short, the end and aim of this publication 
is the gradual, though total abohtion of slavery in the United States 
of America." ^ In 1825 he presented another plan for gradual 
emancipation, quite different from that given in 1821; perhaps 
because his readers were not ready for even so moderate a plan 
as the first proposed. This second plan consisted of a system of 
co-operative labor on land purchased for the purpose, until the 
negroes had worked out their purchase money, when they were to 
be colonized — somewhere. Here he advocated compulsory 
colonization.* 

Whether Lundy believed in gradual or immediate emancipa- 
tion, he most certainly believed in abolition, not in the mere amel- 
ioration of the condition of the slaves. In 1825 he gave it distinctly 
as his opinion that the prohibition of the domestic slave trade 
without the abolition of slavery would be " a broken reed." ^ And 
in 1829, on the subject of Texas, he uses exceedingly strong lan- 
guage : " We can no longer disguise the fact that the advocates of 
slavery are resolved, at all hazards, to obtain the territory in ques- 
tion [Texas], if possible, for the AVOWED purpose of adding 
FIVE OR SIX MORE SLAVE HOLDING STATES to 
THIS Union !!!... It is now time for the people of the United 
States who are opposed to the further extension of this horrible 
evil ... to AROUSE FROM THEIR LETHARGY. . . . 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 33, 65, 87, 118, 133. 

2 Ibid. 2. 50. 3 Ibid. 4. 2. ■» Ibid. 5. 58. ^ /j,^. 5. 363. 



28 Public Opinion in the South: Men of Prominence 

[Texas] is now a free state. But the avowed design of Senator 
Benton and others of his political clan, is to change . . . and in- 
troduce the slave system with all its barbarities, again." If Texas 
wore added free, it would be a good plan and a good place for the 
blacks to emigrate. "But a greater curse could not scarcely 
befall our country than annexation," if it is to be a slave state.^ 

These are but examples of the words and deeds of the men in 
the South who, during the period under discussion, could in some 
measure be called the friends of the slave. These are the words 
of some of the opponents of the anti-slavery cause, who yet felt 
that slavery, at least in the abstract, was a thing to be deplored, 
and who were willing to advocate measures for the bettering of 
the condition of the wretched people. 

' The Genius of Universal Emancipation, lo. 14. Italics and capitals as in the 
original. This last is signed " L.," and therefore is distinctly his, and not Garrison's. See 
the "Proposals" for the publication of the paper, below, pp. 45, 46. 



CHAPTER III 
PUBLIC OPINION IN THE SOUTH: POPULAR SENTIMENT 

The epoch we are studying may fairly be divided into four 
distinct periods, differing greatly in their main characteristics, 
and especially in the intensity of feeling displayed in the anti- 
slavery contest. The first two periods, from 1808 to 181 5, and 
from 1815 to 1819, have no marked characteristics. The South 
seemed to lead in anti-slavery societies and speeches, and the 
delicacy so often spoken of rarely appeared. From a study of 
these periods alone it seems possible that an active campaign 
against slavery during that time would have been eft'ective with- 
out the great struggle of 1831 to 1861. Apparently, however, it 
needed a stronger wave of excitement to induce men to begin 
such an active campaign, and, judging from the effect of the 
struggle at other periods, the feeling of the South would have been 
roused in opposition. The third period was that of the Missouri 
struggle, 1819 to 182 1. During this time men on both sides be- 
came bitter, and party feeling ran high. The slavery contest 
became a political question, and remained in politics thereafter 
so long as slavery remained in the Union. The third period left 
the people in a very different condition from that in which it found 
them; the anti-slavery workers were much more active, but the 
opposition to their work became steadily more distinct. During 
the fourth period, 182 1 to 183 1, we find many changes of attitude, 
both in the societies and in individuals. So convinced, so eager, 
so aggressive, so unceasing, so uncompromising were some of the 
anti-slavery agitators, that the opening of the long contest might 
be dated a decade earlier than it is usually reckoned. There was 
no period of sleep between 1821 and 1831; there was no period 
of retrogression or of general inaction. It was the period of 
great contests over slavery; of persistent activity in the "American 
Convention"; of stirring and vigorous pubhcations. 

29 



30 Public Opinion in the South: 

The scantiness of the material from which we can judge of the 
first of these periods shows that it was uneventful. From 1808 to 
1815 was a time of struggle for the national honor, and almost for 
the national existence; nevertheless the anti-slavery interest, 
while dormant, was not dead; the reports of the "American Con- 
vention," and of some of the Abolition Societies, the books and 
pamphlets published during these years, are as denunciatory of 
the system as those of the earlier or later periods ; but only a few 
such were, apparently, published, and unfortunately no discus- 
sion of slavery by a traveler at the South. Only three books seem 
of sufficient importance to be noted here. "The Wandering 
Philanthropist," published in Philadelphia in 1810, purported 
to be the letters of a Chinaman traveling in the United States, 
discovered and edited by George Fowler of Virginia. Though 
slavery was not the Chinaman's principal topic of discussion, he 
gave to the institution some attention, manifesting his feehng of 
the discrepancy between our talk of hberty and slavery. One 
letter is confined entirely to the topic, and rehearses the cruelties 
seen by the author : beatings, scanty food and clothing, and hard 
labor; acknowledging, however, that all masters were not alike. 
Fowler believed the negro race inferior to the white, but thought 
that perhaps with the same advantages some might prove equal 
in hterary worth; that in their present state of degradation and 
subordination it was impossible to judge correctly of their 
possibilities.^ 

In the same year, 1810, Lewis Dupr6 printed at Charleston, 
South Carolina, a pamphlet in favor of progressive emancipation, 
under the title "An Admonitory Picture, and a Solemn Warning 
principally addressed to professing Christians in the Southern 
States." In his preface he stated it as his conviction that the great 
transgression of the South Atlantic states would lead to over- 
whelming judgments of God. The pamphlet is an argument, or 
rather a harangue, intended to prove the moral wrong of slave- 
holding. The evils of slavery are depicted, and much is made of 
the love of God as the foundation of human society.^ A second 
pamphlet, to which the first was an introduction, is a plan for 
emancipation, or the articles of a society which he wished to form 

1 George Fowler: "The Wandering Philanthropist," pp. 46-49. 28s. etc. 

2 Lewis Dupre : "An Admonitory Picture, and a Solemn Warning," pp. g, 11, 12, iS, etc. 



Popular Sentiment 31 

under the name of "The Virginia and Carolina Emancipation 
Society." This was " to be composed of all descriptions of Christian 
people in the United States, Whether they be Rich or Poor, Free 
or Bond, White or Coloured." The constitution consisted of thirty 
articles, and the plan is too complex to be considered in detail here. 
In general it included the purchase of slaves under certain condi- 
tions; hiring them out to earn their freedom; and arrangements 
for their supervision during the period of probation and after their 
real freedom. Slaves joining the society should have the preference ; 
no slave should be sold by the society, but if one bought proved 
unworthy of freedom he might be exchanged ; no corporal punish- 
ment should be allowed ; and all the slaves should be vegetarians !^ 
1/ In 18 1 4 Col. John Taylor of Caroline County, Virginia, in an 
essay on agriculture, decried slavery as the cause of much evil to 
agriculture, although he did not see any way to remove it. He 
advised giving the slaves a larger supply of comforts, but denounced 
Northern abolitionists.^ 

After the Treaty of Ghent, in December, 1814, travelers from 
England again began to visit the South, and to give their witness 
to the anti-slavery sentiment in that section. We are, therefore, 
better able to characterize the second of the periods under discus- 
sion. In Virginia, slavery found few supporters except among 
slave dealers and planters.^ The Eastern and Central states, and 
"the most enhghtened individuals" of all the states, continued to 
" wage the combat of humanity." Several slave states were amelio- 
rating the condition of their slaves, and it was " sanguinely hoped by 
the friends of abohtion that slavery " would "in time be extinct."* 
The citizens of Maryland deplored slavery, and made plans for 
its removal; the freed men were recognized as free, and kidnappers 
were severely punished.^ In Kentucky, slaveholders were heard 
to say that they wished there was not a slave in the country, but 
when a man "is tenacious of this sort of stock," or buys " at a high 
price," it is hard to believe his expressions against slavery. "A 
part of the finest feelings and the brightest talents in the Southern 
States are ranged on the side of humanity." ® Palmer, an Eng- 

1 Dupre: "A Rational and Benevolent Plan, etc.," pp. 9 ff. 

2 Col. John Taylor: "Arator," pp. 57-67, 118, 122, etc. 

3 Lieut. Francis Hall: "Travels in Canada and the United States," p. 323. 

4 John Palmer: "Journal of Travels in the United States," pp. 158, 159. 

5 William T. Harris : " Remarks made during a Tour through the United States," p. 42. 

6 James Flint: "Letters from America," pp. 115, 167. 



32 Public Opinio7i in the South: 

lish traveler, after giving some glimpses of public feeling as he saw 
it, expressed his opinion that in affixing the responsibility for the 
existence of slavery in the country, one ought to remember that 
slavery existed from the early beginning of the colonies, " and that 
since Americans have been free themselves, exertions to manumit 
slaves, and abolition societies have increased yearly." ^ Perhaps 
the clearest statement of the Southern feeling towards slavery 
during this period is given by Morris Birkbeck in reporting a con- 
versation to which he hstened in a Virginia tavern in 1817. " Negro 
slavery was the prevaihng topic, the beginning, the middle and the 
end — an evil uppermost in every man's thoughts; which all 
deplored, ^nany were anxious to fly, but for which no man can 
devise a remedy." ^ Several incidents showing the presence of 
sympathy for the blacks among the Southerners are reported in 
books of travel, and in other publications.^ 

When we pass to the period of the Missouri Compromise debates, 
we find much more material Of course the larger part of the es- 
says, magazine articles and speeches bear directly upon the struggle 
over Missouri, and the most of them confine themselves to the 
political aspect of that contest, but we find a little light thrown by 
them upon popular opinion at the South. In January, 1820, 
Ninian Edwards of Illinois, in the course of a speech on the Mis- 
souri Question, declared that "it is admitted by the friends of the 
restriction upon Missouri that the evils of slavery have been so 
constantly unfolding themselves as to cause it to be more and more 
deplored even in the States where it exists." * This belief in South- 
ern anti-slavery is again expressed in Niles' information about the 
same time from "several gentlemen of high standing," that there 
was so strong an opposition to slavery in Kentucky "that the chief 
slaveholders had long feared to call a convention to alter the con- 
stitution, though much desired, lest measures should be adopted 
which might lead to a gradual emancipation." ^ 

William Amphlett, an Englishman who later settled in Ohio, 
published in 1819 an "Emigrant's Directory" to the Western 
states, in which he said of Kentucky: "The worst of curses to any 

1 John Palmer: " Journal of Travels in the United States," pp, 158, 159. 

2 Morris Birkbeck: "Notes on a Journey in America," Eng. edition, p. 12. 

3 See also Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the AboHtion of Slav- 
ery, for 1817, p. 18; Francis Hall, pp. 321-326; Palmer, p. 19. 

* Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session. 

* Niles' Weekly Register, 18. 27. 



Popular Sentiment 2,2> 

country, slavery — negro slavery, is a check to its rapid improve- 
ment, which is just beginning to be understood, when it is too late 
to profit by the discovery." ^ Hodgson, whose book of travels was 
published at about this time, wrote: "I pity the planters, who 
would many of them gladly put an end to this unhappy system, 
if they knew how to accomplish it." Many of the youth of Natchez, 
Mississippi, were educated at the North, and married Northerners. 
"One happy consequence is a degree of repugnance to the slave-- 
system on the part of some of the younger members of the 
community and a growing desire to mitigate some of its severi- 
ties on the part of others." ^ The sentiment prevailing in Virginia 
is well represented by the words of a resident of that state 
quoted by Duncan, who traveled there in 1819: "I could wish 
that we were rid of our slaves ; but while they are slaves, our own 
safety requires that they should be kept in ignorance";^ and 
the feeling in the slave states as a whole is expressed by Niles 
in 1820: "Collectively the latter [those in the slave states] depre- 
cate slavery as severely as the former [those in the free states], 
— but individual cupidity and rashness act against the common 
sentiment." * 

In the next period, from 182 1 to 183 1, the partisans on both 
sides were far more active and bitter than before. The discussion 
in regard to the Missouri Compromise had aroused many persons 
on the subject ; while others would not make the sacrifice required, 
and abandoned the cause of the slave. It was during this period 
that the first anti-slavery periodicals were issued ; that the freemen 
of Illinois defeated the attempt of the slaveholders to secure that 
state ; and that the anti-slavery party made an equally unsuccess- 
ful attempt to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. About 
this time, also, periodicals not directly concerned with slavery 
began to admit articles on the subject. In 1827 New York, by 
the emancipation of those not already free by the earlier gradual 
emancipation act, became a completely free state. This had a 
profound effect upon the people of New York, and had some effect 
upon the country at large. 

1 William Amphlett : "The Emigrant's Directory to the Western States of North 
America," p. 164. 

- Adam Hodgson: "Letters from North America," i. 27, 185, 186. (Eng. 
edition.) 

3 John M. Duncan: "Travels through part of the United States," 2. 334. 

* Niles' Weekly Register, 9. 265. 

3 



34 Public Opinion in the South: 

Emancipation of slaves by individuals was not uncommon, and 
was often noted by the "Genius" and Niles' "Register." Un- 
fortunately the way of the benevolent master was in many states 
so blocked that few could accomplish manumission. In 1823 the 
prospects of anti-slavery in Tennessee seemed bright, and a number 
of manumissions took place. ^ Caleb Rodney, acting Governor of 
Delaware, in a message in the same year, said that during the 
previous thirty years there had been in Delaware voluntary manu- 
missions of more than three hundred slaves annually. He added 
that if the same course should be continued for the following thirty 
years to the extent of even one-fourth of the yearly average, slavery 
would cease to exist in Delaware.- The Delaware Abolition Society 
also spoke of the fact that without legislative aid public opinion 
was gradually doing the work of emancipation.^ Several cases of 
manumissions in Virginia are given, the most detailed being that 
of David Minge, a young man of twenty-four or twenty-five, who 
emancipated all his slaves, paying their passage to Hayti, and sup- 
plying them with tools and money. His reason for the action was 
his belief in the wrong of slavery, which made them "a burden on 
his mind." * Between 1824 and 1826 there were two thousand 
slaves freed in North Carolina, and Maryland was expected soon 
to become a free state. ^ 

The numbers of the " Genius" for these years are full of extracts 
from correspondents living in the various slave states, which show 
great activity on both sides in the struggle, and also show a decided, 
though gradual progress of anti-slavery opinion. From these ex- 
tracts it is evident that friends of slavery in Kentucky and Missouri 
were in 1822 beginning to be alarmed because of the increase of 
the opponents of slavery, and attacked them by name in a pro- 
slavery paper, "The Columbian." ^ A news item of the time was: 
"A sensible and spirited writer in the Kentucky Reporter has come 
out against slavery in plain and manly terms. . . . We anticipate 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 2. 169. 

2 Ibid. 2. 159. 

3 Minutes of the American Convention for 1823, p. 15. The statements as to the 
numbers of slaves do not, however, agree with the numbers as recorded in the census 
reports. 

4 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 129, 145; 5. i, 9; Niles' Weekly Regis- 
ter, 28. 341. For other accounts of manumissions see the "Genius," 4. 178, 179; 5. 57, 
61; and Niles, 20. 288; 28. 336, 341, 353; 30. 338, 447. 

^ See William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 80. 
8 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 2. 49. 



Popular Sentiment ^i? 

the best effects from the bold, fearless, yet prudent discussion of 
the topic there." In his comment on the item Lundy said that 
there were many true philanthropists in Kentucky, and that they 
would soon do something more than write. ^ A writer in the West- 
ern Luminary during 1830 spoke of the fact that the people of 
Kentucky were generally finding slavery a burden and were look- 
ing for relief. "Something must be done quickly." He advised 
general emancipation by law, and exportation to Liberia.^ In the 
volume of the "Genius" for 1830 claim is often made that the 
spirit of emancipation seemed to be gaining ground in Kentucky, 
and in some other states. Birney advocated a gradual emancipa- 
tion act in Kentucky in 1830, and other influential slaveholders 
favored it. The resolution to call a convention to amend the con- 
stitution, the avowed purpose of which was to provide for abolition, 
was lost in the Legislature by only one vote.^ The Kentucky 
Colonization Society reported that " the late disposition to voluntary 
emancipation" was so increasing that no general emancipation 
law would be necessary if an asylum for the freedmen were acces- 
sible." * An attempt to form a society in the same state, for the 
purpose of furthering gradual emancipation, although its member- 
ship consisted of persons of intelhgence, wealth and influence, and 
some even of national reputation, failed for lack of a vigorous, 
earnest leader. Clay was asked to head the movement, but refused, 
and advised his friends to follow his example.^ 

Kentucky was not the only state where an emancipatory spirit 
was manifest in 1821 to 1831; the movement in Tennessee has 
already been referred to, and in 1829 a letter from a gentleman in 
that state said that memorials to Congress were being prepared by 
a convention, asking for abolition in the District of Columbia, and 
that a large number of signers had been obtained to a "common 
petition of this state" asking for gradual abolition, which would be 
presented before the state council.^ Tennessee was watching with 
great interest the attempt to obtain gradual emancipation in Ken- 
tucky, and Lundy asserted that if Kentucky succeeded, and no 
"alarming consequences" followed, Tennessee would soon do the 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 69; quotation from the "United States 
Gazette." 2 JUd. u. 63. 

3 Ibid. II. 64; Birney: "James G. Birney," pp. 96-100. 
* African Repository, 6. 31 (May, 1830). 
5 See above, p. 20. 
8 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 41. 



36 Public Opinion in the South: 

same.* Even in Virginia there were indications of a progress in 
public opinion in the direction of freedom. The "Genius" was 
more widely read; a private letter in 1825 expresses the opinion 
"that Virginia will not be a slaveholding state fifteen or twenty 
years hence"; and an anti-slavery man, brother-in-law of Edward 
Coles, was in 1826 elected to the Legislature of Virginia.^ 

Earnest workers for the cause of anti-slavery in North Carolina 
wrote to Lundy in 1823 : " People's minds in this part of the country 
are becoming more and more enlightened and enlarged to under- 
stand the evils of slavery." The numbers of the "Genius" were 
being read, and while there was still a considerable "lukewarm- 
ness," yet they felt encouraged to continue the struggle.^ The 
Manumission Society of North Carolina, in 1825, after a careful 
investigation of the opinions of the people, were sure that only one- 
twentieth were really opposed to emancipation, while one-thirtieth 
desired immediate emancipation.* In 1826 Edward Everett of 
Massachusetts was severely criticised by a resident of North Caro- 
lina for his speech in justification of slavery : " Slavery among our 
Southern politicians is almost universally acknowledged to be wrong 
in principle." ^ In this year, also, a member of the Manumission 
Society was elected to the Senate of North Carolina, and Daniel 
Raymond wrote : " In our sister state of North Carolina, .the advo- 
cates of general emancipation are increasing with a rapidity un- 
paralleled in the annals of the nation. It is believed that nearly 
three thousand citizens of that state have enrolled themselves as 
members of anti-slavery societies within a period of two years." 
It will be noticed that these two years are those just following 
Lundy's first lecture tour in North Carolina, when he set on foot 
the organization of the societies.^ 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, ii. 65, 66. 

2 Ibid. 5. 4 (monthly); see also 5. 126 (weekly); Elihu Washburne: "Sketch of 
Edward Coles," p. 225. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 2. 115, 147. 

* Stephen B. Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 241; William Birney: 
"James G. Birney and His Times," p. 78. The former gives the list as %o desiring im- 
mediate emancipation, %o supporting emigration, %o neither thinking nor caring about 
the subject, %o supporting gradual emancipation, and %o opposing emancipation because 
it was impracticable, while only %o were bitterly opposed to emancipation of any sort. 
He then gives the total of ^%o as ready to support schemes of emancipation. Mr. Birney 
gives the proportions as very nearly or quite the same, and characterizes them as fol- 
lows : Vso eager for immediate emancipation, Ms for colonization, V-m for gradual eman- 
cipation, Voo never thought about it, 1-20 bitterly opposed to emancipation, %o think 
emancipation impracticable. So ^^ were ready to help. 

5 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 354. 

8 Ibid. 6. 13; Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 83. See also the "Genius," 5. 414. 



Popular Sentiment 37 

A letter from Arkansas, in 1826, accompanying subscriptions to 
the "Genius" says: " We are highly rejoiced . . . to find that our 
fellow citizens of the United States after so long a slumber, are at 
length beginning to awake from their lethargy, and to open an 
attentive ear to the loud calls of inflexible justice and the groans 
and cries of afflicted humanity." ^ The political press urged in 
this same year the recession of the District of Columbia to Mary- 
land, because Congress possessed the power to abolish slavery there, 
and might be induced to exercise it.^ It was only the next year, 
1827, that TurnbuU, in his violently pro-slavery book, "The Crisis," 
seemed to believe that if Congress were allowed to express its 
sentiment towards slavery it would decidedly favor the anti-slavery 
side.^ James Fenimore Cooper said in 1828 that the Americans 
would gladly be rid of slavery, and that liberal sentiments towards 
the blacks were gaining ground in the South. In a note to the latter 
statement he adds that he does not mean that "every man becomes 
in some degree sensible of the evil, but that a vast number do, and 
of men, too, who are hkely to have an effect upon legislation." In 
Maryland "the inhabitants begin to see that they would be richer 
and more powerful without their slaves than with them. This is 
the true entering wedge of the argument, and juster views of moral 
truth will be sure to follow convictions of interest, as they have 
followed and are still following emancipation further North." * 
Even in Georgia there were symptoms of alarm in 1830 relative to 
the increase of slavery.^ The same year the statement is made in 
the "Genius" that a spirit of emancipation seemed to be gaining 
ground in North Carolina, Kentucky and Missouri. In this con- 
nection it is interesting to read that of the one hundred and 
thirty abolition societies in the United States in 1827, one hundred 
and six were in the slave states, while but four were in New Eng- 
land or New York.^ 

The evidence of travelers during these years is of much the same 
tenor. Welby, writing in 1821, said that with the exception of "a 
few of the old school" it was the "general sentiment of the best 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 390. 

2 The Alexandria Gazette. 

3 See Robert J. TurnbuU (Brutus): "The Crisis," p. 129, etc. 

* James Fenimore Cooper: "Notions of the Americans," 2. 262, 273, 274. (.\m. 
edition.) 

s The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 142. 
8 See below, p. 116; also Appendix. 



38 Public Opinion in the South: Popular Sentiment 

informed Americans that they should be better off without slaves" ; ^ 
Finch, in 1823, found not a single individual who did not regret 
slavery and show a wish to remedy it ; ^ Candler, in 1824, found the 
slaveholders of Virginia sensible of the evil, but the effort to free 
themselves was too great.^ Captain Basil Hall, an English naval 
officer, found, in 1827, the planters in Virginia communicative, but 
his prejudice against slavery made him shy of introducing the sub- 
ject. Almost every gentleman he met in the South had some 
project for mitigating the evils of slavery, but he never met one so 
hardy as to suppose it could be entirely removed. "That slavery 
is an evil in itself, and eminently an evil in its consequences, no 
men that I have ever met with are more ready to grant than most 
of the American planters." * He relates an incident also, showing 
the general feeling in Washington against the too common slave 
auctions, Thomas Hamilton, writing between 1829 and 1833, 
stated it as his opinion that Maryland was not likely to remain very 
long a slave state. He never conversed with an American who did 
not denounce slavery, but none knew any reasonable cure.^ 

1 Adlard Welby: "A Visit to North America," p. 82. 

2 John Finch: "Travels in the United States," p. 240. 

3 Isaac Candler: "A Summary View of America," p. 255. 

^ Capt. Basil Hall: "Travels in North America," 3. 34-41, 76, 234.. 
5 Thomas Hamilton: "Men and Manners in America," pp. 213, 321. 



CHAPTER IV 

PUBLIC OPINION IN THE SOUTH: ESSAYS, MAGAZINE 
ARTICLES AND NEWSPAPERS 

There were very many speeches, essays and magazine articles 
in the South on the subject of slavery during the last great divi- 
sion of the period we have been discussing. A writer with the 
pseudonym "Nestor," in the Richmond Enquirer, in 182 1, after 
comparing the prosperity of the young state Ohio with that of the 
oldest state, Virginia, to the disadvantage of the latter, said : 
"Slavery ... is one great cause of all our misfortunes." He 
added that it was time to do something about it. His proposal, 
however, was nothing more radical than an act declaring that 
all involuntary servitude should cease in Virginia on January i, 
2000, with facilities for emigration to Hayti or Cuba ! ^ Another 
writer, in the St. Louis Enquirer, in the same year, had still an- 
other plan to propose: the purchase of the females by govern- 
ment, with the profits of the sales of the pubhc lands. ^ Many 
were the plans presented, though none were, apparently, really 
tried. ^ A Virginian, in 1822, proposed that the citizens of the free 
states should be allowed to purchase slaves for a term of years, 
after which they should be set free. His idea was, probably, that 
the relief thus to be afforded to the congested states would make 
them more ready to free those remaining.* In the same year a 
plan much like that of Dupre ^ was presented by a Kentuckian. 
In 1825 no less than five different plans were mentioned in the 
"Genius" alone. One recommended emigration to Hayti, giv- 
ing plans for the arrangement of expenses.*' Another, probably 
that of Frances Wright, certainly conducted on the same prin- 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 21. 28; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 42. 
The editor of the Enquirer asked in a footnote, "What will be the situation of the slave- 
holding states when those events take place?" to which Lundy answers: "Dreadful in 
the extreme — free your country from the curse of slavery as quick as possible." 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 41. 

3 See Ibid. i. 33. * Ibid. i. 137. ^ See above, p. 31. 
8 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 165. 

39 



40 Public Opinion in the South: 

ciple, was an institution where emancipated slaves should be 
taught and trained for freedom.' A third plan, primarily in- 
tended for North Carolina, included the absolute prohibition of 
the importation and sale of slaves, and the emancipation of all 
post nati." Still another, of local option flavor, had especial refer- 
ence to Maryland : let there be a law passed allowing popular 
vote in each county once in five years on "Slavery or no slavery?" 
When a majority in any county vote for "no slavery," let a gradual 
emancipation law be passed for that county, and let it vote no 
more on the question. Gradually the northern counties would 
become free, and the beneficial effects would be seen and the 
idea spread.^ But the fifth plan mentioned in this volume of the 
"Genius" seems the most practicable, had the people only been 
willing to adopt it. This, the plan for the purchase of days by 
the slave, proposed by Schoolcraft, was, in brief, as follows. The 
slave was to have assigned to him either a certain amount of daily 
work, or definite hours of labor, and all work in excess of the as- 
signed amount was to be paid for at regular rates of wages. As 
soon as the slave had accumulated one-sixth of his estimated value 
he was to be allowed to purchase the entire use of one whole day 
in the week. The succeeding days were to be paid for in the same 
manner, but of course more rapidly as time went on, and the slave 
was to be given free papers as soon as he had purchased the entire 
six working days.'' 

But Legislatures were not always ready to consider these plans, 
even though a large number of the residents of the state seemed 
willing to adopt them. In 1823 a writer from East Tennessee de- 
clared it as his belief that nine out of ten of the citizens of his sec- 
tion of the state would favor a plan emancipating the post nati at 
a given age. "Why," he continues, "is it that our representatives 
in the State Assembly refuse to give the subject a hearing in any 
shape?" ^ And this was not the only Legislature which was thus 
criticised by the anti-slavery sympathizers. 

A series of articles in the Boston Recorder and Telegraph, 
in 1825, is of exceeding interest. These articles are by four differ- 
ent authors : " Vigornius," a Northern opposer of slavery, "Philo," 

1 There was much discussion later as to the practical outcome of this plan of Frances 
Wright. Theoretically it seemed fair and good. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 187. 

3 Ibid. s. 86. 4 Ibid. 5. 18. 5 ibj^, 2. 125. 



Essays, Magazine Articles and Newspapers 41 

a New-Englander, "Hieronymus," a Southern anti-slavery man, 
and "Carolinian," a Southern upholder of the system, "Hierony- 
mus," "a dweller at the South from his cradle," wrote to show 
the Southern view of anti-slavery: he thought there was much 
exaggeration at the North, and that writers should be careful not 
to accuse all slaveholders for faults committed only by a few. He 
wished the whole subject thoroughly and fairly discussed on both 
sides ; if the pro-slavery men could prove their point, well and good ; 
if not, let them confess themselves defeated, "and unite for the 
gradual, and if at all practicable, the immediate abolition of 
slavery." In his second essay he expressed his condemnation of 
the system in strong words. "The present generation have 'ap- 
proved the deeds of their fathers.' . . . Cupidity got the better 
of conscience," and so at present they are responsible for the guilt 
of slavery. "The present generation are guilty, awfully guilty." 
In his fifth essay "Hieronymus" compared Roman and American 
slavery, to the disadvantage of the latter. He claimed that the 
abolition of slavery, either gradual or immediate, was the only 
remedy for the slave trade, and agreed with "Vigornius" that 
slavery as it existed in the United States was "unlawful and un- 
scriptural." He quoted a number of incidents, and expressions of 
Southern sentiment, in various parts of the slave states, to show 
that there were many who substantially agreed with him.^ 

In 1826 William Maxwell, a lawyer of high standing in Norfolk, 
Virginia, wrote a series of articles over the signature "Liber," 
which were published in the Norfolk Herald. The first article, 
"On the Anniversary of our Independence," denounced slavery, 
expressing his conviction that the majority agreed with him, and 
would like to have it removed. "What American and especially 
what Virginian does not regard slavery as the greatest calamity 
and disgrace ? " Although this article roused great excitement in 
Norfolk, a second article by Maxwell was no less bold. He said 
himself that he would speak boldly when he thought proper, with- 
out fear of consequences, since he was "ready not only to suffer 
but if need be, to die, for this cause." He would esteem it the 
"dearest duty of his life" to aid with all his power the progress of 
abolition. He believed in the iniquity of slavery; only necessity 

1 The essays by all five authors were gathered together and published in Amherst, 
Massachusetts, in 1826. The quotations arc from this pamphlet. See especially pp. 36, 
42, 55, 60, 68, etc. See below, p. 78. 



42 Public Opinion in the South: 

could justify it in any degree, and all fair and rational means must 
be used to do away with the necessity/ 

The names of two women are connected with this period of 
anti-slavery labors. The first, Anne Royall, was a writer of po- 
litical squibs and scandals, a native of Virginia, living for a 
large part of her life in Washington. While she wrote nothing 
distinctly anti-slavery, she often spoke of the inconsistency of 
slavery with the principles of the nation, and said that the institu- 
tion had been a curse to Virginia." The second made the subject 
of slavery "the principal theme of her exertions." Elizabeth 
Margaret Chandler was a native of Delaware, educated in Phila- 
delphia. She won several prizes for her literary work, and for 
six months aided Lundy in editing the " Genius." The larger 
part of her writings were originally published in this paper. ^ 

Even the children may have had at least some share in the work 
of the time, for we have one example of it. In 1826 a boy signing 
himself "Little William" sent two articles from Guilford County, 
North Carolina, to the " Genius." He seems quite mature, uses 
very strong language, and declares that when the people are aroused 
laws could and probably would be passed* to abolish slavery. We 
might be tempted to doubt his youth were it not for an editorial 
y Lundy, which vouches for it.* 
The spirit of anti-slavery seems well sustained at the South as 
we approach the end of this period. We find in the "Genius" 
for 1827 articles quoted from the "Richmond Enquirer," ^ and the 
"Richmond Family Visitor." ^ A writer in the former claimed 
that if pubHc sentiment should continue to advance as it had for 
the past fifteen or twenty years, the next jubilee of American In- 
dependence would see slavery unnamed in the United States; a 
prophecy that was fulfilled. The Kentucky press also contained 
many articles in the twenties. Thus the Russelville Messenger 
printed an appeal "To the 'free' people south of Green Riv^er," 
in which slavery is called "one of the present curses upon these 
United States" ; a plan drawn up for gradual abolition in the state; 
the plan for colonization eulogized ; and the distinct statement 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 369, 372, 377, 385, 393. 

2 Anne Roj'all: "Sketches of the United States," pp. loi, 119. 

3 "Poems and Essays, by E. M. C," published by Lundy, who wrote an introduc- 
tion in the form of a memoir. 

^ The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 409, 415; 6. 57. 

5 Ibid. 6. 260. 6 i})i4_ 7. 107. 



Essays, Magazine Articles and Newspapers 43 

made that "nothing but the legal sanction of our Legislatures 
can abolish the evil." ^ Another series of articles, in the Western 
Luminary, declared the time for freedom not far distant, and 
advocated the education of the slave in preparation for it.- A 
writer in the "Genius" from this state in 1827 prophesied the 
worst of results from delay. ^ 

A writer in North Carohna wrote in the latter part of 1827 an 
article denouncing in unmeasured terms both slavery and its up- 
holders. "Say not then any more . . . that 'liberty . . . rests' 
on a land that is polluted with the vilest and most shocking system 
of inhumanity, injustice and inequality, . . . that has ever been 
. . . known ... in all the world. ... I view it as a most un- 
hallowed system of superlative oppression, violence and barbarity ; 
and equally opposed to all the laws of " God and man.^ A frag- 
ment from the pen of Adlai Laurence Osborne declares it "extreme 
madness not to emancipate all slaves." ^ In 1827 a prize essay 
was written by James Raymond, for the Agricultural Society of 
Frederick County, Maryland. The subject was "The Compara- 
tive Economy of Free and Slave Labor in Agriculture." While 
he confined himself entirely to his own topic, he said that he hoped 
that if he could prove that free labor was cheaper, slavery would 
"go out of fashion"; and later he spoke of slavery as opposed to 
the inherent right of a man to his own labor.® 

Quotations have been made from numerous papers and periodi- 
cals which admitted articles against slavery. There were others 
which published editorials, sometimes moderately, sometimes ar- 
dently anti-slavery in sentiment. One editorial of the date of 
January 11, 18 17, in the National Register, then published in 
Washington by Joel K. Mead, treats of slavery and colonization. 
It does not speak in strong terms against the system, — indeed 
the writer doubts the wisdom of emancipation without a previous 
education, and affirms the right of property in slaves. But he 
also doubts the right of property in the children, and adds that 
he hopes some day "a wiser and better spirit" will "cast out this 
foul, aristocratic, demoralizing spirit of slave keeping." Nilcs, 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. i8i, 185, 194, 203. 

2 Ibid. 7. 132, 140, 195; 8. 13, 28. 3 Jbid. 6. 218. 
■* Ibid. 8. 109, 116. 

5 Found among some papers at Salisbury C. H., North Carolina; now in the pos- 
session of Dr. Albert Bushnell Hart of Harvard University. 

6 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6, 250, 258. 



44 Public Opinion in the South: 

the editor of the "Weekly Register," one of the most important 
periodicals of the day, often spoke in his editorials of slavery and 
kindred topics. In May, 1819, under the title of "Mitigation of 
Slavery," he expressed his personal attitude in these words: "Hat- 
ing as we do — most solemnly, sincerely and religiously hating, 
all sorts of slavery," He believed that slavery would at some time 
be abohshed, and that it was the part of true wisdom to prepare 
the slaves for it, but that in order to encourage the support of the 
South the free blacks should be separated from the slaves, and 
their standard improved.^ In 1821 there is in the "Register" 
an editorial notice of the publication at Mt. Pleasant, Ohio, of 
the "Philanthropist," edited by Bates, the successor of Osborn, 
and of the " Genius of Universal Emancipation," edited by Lundy, 
and Niles takes the occasion to express his appreciation of the anti- 
slavery cause, and his detestation of slavery, the "curse that hke 
a millstone round" our country's "neck impedes its march to real 
greatness and rightful power." ^ The same sentiment is repeated 
in 1822. In 1823 an editorial claimed that the majority of the 
South would be willing to be rid of slavery if a feasible plan were 
proposed ; that it was advocated only by those desirous of holding 
political power by its means.^ As late as 1827, after stating that 
New York would become a free state on the Fourth of July, he 
adds: "On the fifth of July in the present year, slavery will then 
be unknown to the laws of New York. Would that with equal 
propriety, we might announce the fact that such was the condition 
of every other state." * 

In 1827 the editor of the " Delaware Weekly Advertiser," pub- 
lished in Wilmington, refused to publish an advertisement of a 
reward for a runaway slave, and gave his reasons in an editorial : 
"We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created 
equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable 
rights; that among these are Life, LIBERTY and the pursuit of 
Happiness." ^ 

More decidedly anti-slavery, of course, were those periodicals 
and newspapers published with the avowed purpose of discussing, 
and, if possible, destroying slavery. The earliest of those pub- 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, i6. 177, 193, 211, 274, 292, 342, 401, 419. 

2 Ihid. 21. 119. 3 752^. 24. 179. 4 Ibid. 32. 274. 

5 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 11. 5, 32, 82; "William Lloyd Garrison, 
180S-1879," I. 88. 



Essays, Magazine Arlicles and Newspapers 45 

lished at the South, of which we have mention, was the "Eman- 
cipator," founded in 1819 or 1820. It was a small octavo monthly, 
published at Jonesboro', Tennessee, by a Friend, Elihu Embrec. 
After Embree died in 182 1 no further record is found of his paper.' 
In 1822 John Finley Crowe started "The Abohtion Intelligencer" 
at Shelbyville, Kentucky. In the Indiana Gazette of Thurs- 
day, November 29, 1821, pubhshed at Corydon, Indiana, we can 
read the "proposals" for this paper, of which otherwise we know 
little. The paper was to be published semi-monthly, under the 
patronage and control of the Kentucky Abolition Society. Enu- 
merating the principles of that society by extracts from its consti- 
tution, it declared that the publication would be entirely devoted 
to those principles. There is no mention of immediate emancipa- 
tion, but of "such measures as may tend to the abolition of slavery 
in a way which will consist with the constitution and laws of Ken- 
tucky and the general government." In closing it is stated that 
no advertisements would be received except those relating to slavery. 
The paper is referred to once or twice in publications of the time, 
but apparently found little support, and lapsed in 1823. In the 
volume of the " Genius" for 1830 there is an account of a pubhca- 
tion called "The Liberalist," published in New Orleans by Milo 
Mower, for the purpose of "promulgating the doctrine of universal 
freedom." It perished for lack of support, and its editor was im- 
prisoned for circulating handbills in its behalf.^ 

The most successful anti-slavery paper was "The Genius of 
Universal Emancipation," founded in 1821 by Benjamin Lundy. 
Preceded in its field only by the "Emancipator," it was for the 
largest part of its existence the only anti-slavery paper in circula- 
tion in the country. In the same number of the Indiana Gazette 
in which appeared the advertisement of the "Abolition Intelli- 
gencer" are to be found the "Proposals for publishing at Mt. 
Pleasant, O., a periodical work, to be entitled the 'Genius of Uni- 
versal Emancipation' by Benjamin Lundy." These proposals, 
which throw light on the character and opinions of this active 
worker for the slave, read as follows: "This work is intended to 

1 William Birney: " James G. Birney and His Times," p. 85; "William Lloyd Garri- 
son, 1805-1879," I. 88. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 32, 82. There is a slight question when 
this paper was first issued; Mr. Birney ("James G. Birney," p. 86) says it was prob- 
ably in 1828, but the " Genius " speaks of it as something new in 1830. 



46 Public Opinion in the South: 

be devoted exclusively to the subject of African slavery, and will 
be an active instrument in the attempt to abolish that cruel and 
disgraceful system in the American Republic. The proposed 
editor . . . believes that the time has come when the advocates 
of AFRICAN EMANCIPATION should speak out that they 
may be heard, and use their utmost exertions to arouse and awaken 
the American people to a sense of the inconsistency, the hypocrisy 
and the inic[uity of which many of them are chargeable, in suffer- 
ing this foul blot to remain upon their national escutcheon, and 
as he considers it almost criminal to be lukewarm in a cause so 
important as this, the public may be assured that his best endeavors 
shall be used, consistent with justice and propriety, to draw the 
attention of his countrymen toward this subject, and to induce 
them to THINK more upon it." This he considers all that is 
necessary "to ensure the ultimate triumph of liberty." Bold words 
these for the first proposals for a paper which was to be entirely 
dependent on the support of the public to whom they were addressed. 
It seems well-nigh impossible that such words as these would have 
been used by even so bold a man as Lundy, if, as is so often as- 
sumed, the time had been one of "universal stagnation" on the 
slavery question. 

Lundy began the publication of the paper as he proposed,^ at 
Mt. Pleasant,^ Ohio, in July, 182 1. A few months later he moved 
the paper to Greenville, Tennessee,^ and in 1824 to Baltimore. 
The publication continued here till October, 1830, when, owing to 
difficulties in Baltimore, Lundy moved with his paper to Washing- 
ton,* remaining there until 1834. From that time until 1836 the 
"Genius" was published in Philadelphia.^ The paper began as a 
monthly; in March, 1823, he increased it to a semi-monthly; in 
the September following the monthly publication was resumed, 

1 All the facts of publication are taken directly from a file of the paper, and differ 
in some ways from some published, and possibly generally accepted statements. 

2 Edward Needles (History of the Pennsylvania Society, p. 83) says he purchased 
Osborn's paper, and devoted it entirely to anti-slavery under a new title; but according 
to Earl (Life of Lundy, p. 19) and Niles (Weekly Register, 21. 119) Osborn sold it to 
Elisha Bates, who gave it a tone not at all satisfactory to Lundy. 

3 Appleton's Cyclopedia of Biography says, mistakenly, Jonesboro', Tenn., probably 
confusing it with "The Emancipator," published by Elihu Embree at that place. 

* Earl: "Life of Lundy," p. 30. 

5 Appleton's Cyclopedia of Biography says, mistakenly, that on his going to Phila- 
delphia he issued his paper under the name of "The National Inquirer." The files of 
the paper prove the contrary; issues for Jan. 1834 to Dec. 1836, inclusive, are all dated at 
Philadelphia, and retain the old name. No later numbers have been found, but he is 
said to have left Philadelphia in 1836, and he died in 1839. 



Essays, Magazine Ankles and Newspapers 47 

but with more pages in each number. The pubHcation was sus- 
pended for some reason from May, 1824, to October of the same 
year, at which date volume four begins. The monthly issue con- 
tinued from that time with no material alteration until July 4, 
1825, when a complete change was made by issuing, along with 
the small octavo monthly, a weekly paper on large sheets, much 
more nearly resembling our modern newspapers. This weekly 
edition speedily took the place of the monthly, and continued, 
with a lapse of several months during 1828 and 1829, until the 
expiration of the partnership of Garrison and Lundy in March, 
1830. At the beginning of this partnership, however (September, 
1829), the size of the sheets was slightly increased. The monthly 
issue was resumed by Lundy when once more alone, and was con- 
tinued with more or less regularity until 1836. 

No hst is found giving the number of the subscribers to the 
" Genius." It was never so large but that the paper had a pre- 
carious existence, and Lundy was obliged to spend much time in 
soliciting subscriptions. Garrison, during the six months of his 
partnership with Lundy, thought the loss of old subscribers was 
due to his advocacy of immediate emancipation; but immediate 
emancipation had been advocated in the paper before Garrison's 
time, although not with equal vehemence; the scantiness of the 
circulation was felt long before the partnership; and Lundy did 
not really blame Garrison, nor did the attitude of Garrison "break 
up" the paper, as is sometimes stated. 



CHAPTER V 

PUBLIC OPINION IN THE SOUTH: MEMORIALS, PETITIONS 
AND RESOLUTIONS 

A STILL better indication of public opinion than the words or 
writings of any individual, or even the articles published in any pe- 
riodical, are the memorials, petitions and resolutions prepared and 
adopted at public meetings. A large proportion of the memorials 
which are definitely mentioned are from Maryland, and especially 
from the city of Baltimore, and there seems some reason to believe 
the statement of several writers, that ]\Iaryland was approaching 
the point where it w^ould be ready to throw off the burden. In 
December, 1819, at a public meeting of the citizens of Baltimore, 
a resolution was passed that future admission of slaves into states 
hereafter to be formed west of the Mississippi River, ought to be 
prohibited by Congress, and a memorial was prepared. Two thou- 
sand citizens of Baltimore signed, in 1820, a petition against the 
admission of Missouri as a slave state ; these may very likely have 
been the same.^ In 1826 a memorial was presented from Balti- 
more County to the Legislature of Maryland, for such laws as "will 
eventually but gradually and totally extinguish slavery in Mary- 
land." - Not long after this a very radical memorial was offered 
to the citizens of Baltimore for signature; although the Baltimore 
Gazette opposed it, signatures increased. It denounced slavery as 
(i) at war with the fundamental principles of the government; 
(2) promoting idleness and encouraging vice; (3) incompatible 
with the Christian religion; (4) weakening to the nation. It peti- 
tioned for emancipation in the District of Columbia but did not 
advise immediate abolition; it asked for a law to free the post 
nati.^ During 1827 another memorial of much the same tenor was 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 304; William Birney: "James G. Birney and His 
Times," p. 80. 

- The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 9. 
3 Ibid. 6. 103, 133. 

48 



Memorials, Petitions and Resolutions 49 

sent to Congress by the citizens of Baltimore.^ A petition in 1827 
from the inhabitants of Harford County, Maryland, for the aboli- 
tion of slavery in that state, was presented to the House of Dele- 
gates, and was referred to a committee of nine from seven counties. 
While this committee reported the inexpediency of recommending 
the system, they expressed their confidence that Maryland would 
soon be relieved through colonization from "this grievous calam- 
ity." ^ Still another, in 1829, was from the citizens of Frederick 
County, and asked for a law to free the post nati; no result is ap- 
parent until 1832, when a committee was appointed to investigate 
the matter, but nothing came of the appeal.^ . In 1830 there is record 
of the printing and circulating of another petition for gradual abo- 
lition in Maryland, but again no record of the result."* 

In Tennessee, in 182 1, petitions were sent by a number of citi- 
zens to the Legislature, asking for some legislation for the relief 
of the blacks, such as a law allowing the emancipation of self- 
supporting slaves, and suggesting also that a gradual emancipation 
act should be passed. The committee to which it was referred 
recommended the passing of a law to allow manumissions, and the 
consideration of gradual emancipation. The subject w^as, how- 
ever, laid on the table in the Senate, and nothing came from it.^ 
A memorial' to the State Legislature in Delaware was in circulation 
in that state in 1826. It asked for a law to free the post nati at a 
certain age.^ A memorial was also sent to Congress from Dela- 
ware in 1828, in regard to slavery in the District of Columbia.'^ 

A memorial from the inhabitants of the District of Columbia 
presented to the national House of Representatives in 1828, was 
duly printed, and thus preserved to us. It includes a statement of 
the existence, and details of the horrors of the domestic slave trade 
in the District, and of the sale of free blacks for jail fees incurred 
because they were suspected of being slaves. The signers asked 
for a law declaring that all children of slaves born in the District of 
Columbia after July 4, 1828, should be free at the age of twenty-five 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 4. 

2 Jeffrey R. Brackett: "The Negro in Maryland," p. 55; quoted from the House 
Journal (Md.), 1827, pp. 320, 342. 

3 Ibid. p. 56; quoted from the House Journal (Md.), 1829, p. 427; and 1832, p. 8g. 

4 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 11. 71. 

5 Ibid, 2. no; quoted from the Knoxville Register; also Niles' Weekly Register, 
21. 173. 

^ The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 93. 
7 Ibid. g. 86, 87. 

4 



50 Public Opinion in the South: 

years, and that the laws authorizing the sale of supposed runaways 
for their jail fees should be repealed. They also asked for a law 
to prevent the further introduction of slaves into the District, ex- 
cept as part of the households of members of Congress, resident 
strangers, and travelers. One thousand and sixty names are 
printed as those of signers of this memorial.^ 

Reference is found in many contemporary journals to a "Me- 
morial to the Honorable Convention of Virginia, Held in Rich- 
mond, in Oct., 1829." From an outline which has been pre- 
served, it is known to have come from the inhabitants of Augusta 
County, Virginia, and to have been distinctly anti-slavery. There 
is no mention of its reception or consideration. - 

Up to this point we have considered the opinion either of indi- 
viduals in the South, as expressed by words, actions and writings ; 
or of some groups of people, expressed by memorials. While this 
proves conclusively the existence of anti-slavery sentiment in the 
slave states during this period, it does not prove the position of the 
majority of the people. Memorials may be presented by minori- 
ties; even one thousand and sixty signatures in the District of 
Columbia would not show that the matter interested the majority 
of the people of the District. One of the best means, perhaps, 
which we have at our disposal, of judging of the extent to which 
these sentiments had made themselves felt, is to examine the 
legislation of the slave states during the period under discussion ; 
for while Legislatures do not always reflect popular sentiment, 
their action, taken for a long period together, comes nearer to it 
than that of any other agent of public opinion. In 18 16 and 18 17 
several state Legislatures passed severe laws to check the slave 
trade. ^ In Georgia slaves imported from abroad might be confis- 
cated even a year after introduction. This law was distincdy 
said not to apply to slaves brought by emigrants, or by resi- 
dents for their own use. In South Carolina it was a felony to 
import a slave except by express permission of the Legislature. 
In North Carolina there was increased vigilance and severe leg- 
islation against kidnapping. Louisiana was said to have been on 
the point of taking similar measures. 

^ Pamphlet copy of memorial, printed as a House Document. 

2 This memorial is mentioned in Niles' Weekly Register, 36. 356; The Genius of Uni- 
versal Emancipation, 10. 9. The quotations are from the Richmond Whig, and the 
Staunton Spectator. The quotation from the latter in the "Register" gives aa outline of 
the memorial. s Niles' Weekly Register, 11. 399. 



Memorials, Petitions and Resolutions 51 

The constitution of Alabama, drawn up in 1819, empowered 
the Legislature to abolish slavery on making compensation to 
owners, with or without their consent. The General Assembly 
exercised for many years the power to emancipate slaves, the total 
for the first eleven years being two hundred and three, or an 
average of more than eighteen a year. The constitution also 
allowed to slaves a jury trial for all crimes above petit lar- 
ceny; while mahcious maiming or killing of slaves was to 
receive the same punishment as if the offence had been com- 
mitted on a free white, and on the same proof, except in cases 
of insurrection. In the first session of the Legislature a law 
was passed providing paid counsel to slaves tried by jury, and 
excluded from that jury the master, the prosecuting witness, and 
the relatives of both.^ 

But one law for the benefit of the slave is recorded as passed in 
Florida, In 1822, during its existence as a territory, a law was 
passed, declaring that for capital crimes slaves should be tried 
and punished as whites.^ 

In Georgia, in 181 1, it was enacted that the ordinary trial of 
slaves should be held before a justice of the peace, but in cases 
involving capital punishment, in the inferior county court, by a 
jury. In 18 16 the killing or maiming of a slave or free person of 
color was put on the same footing as if the sufferer were a white 
man or citizen. The non-importation law mentioned above was 
passed in 1816 or 1817, repealed in 1824, revived in 1829, and still 
later was modified, repealed, and again revived ! In 1823 the 
"Common Council of Savannah, Georgia, . . . with a becoming 
feeling, refused to receive into the city treasury any money, the 
proceeds of the sale of free blacks." In 1824-1825 the Legisla- 
ture repealed all laws and parts of laws authorizing this sale of 
free blacks.^ 

The constitution of Louisiana (181 2) allowed the enrollment of 
colored men in the militia. The only statute which could be con- 

1 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 38-40; John C. Hurd: 
"The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 150. 

2 J. C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 191. 

3 Ibid. 2. 102, 104; George M. Stroud : "A Sketch of the Laws Relating to Slavery," 
ist edition, 1827, p. 55, note; 2nd edition, 1856, p. 90, note; The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, 2. 178. Yet the Mayor and Council of Savannah refused a gift of money 
from New York, for the sufferers from the great fire of 1820, because given on condition 
that it be divided equally between the black and white sufferers. See Adam Hodgson : 
"Letters from North America," i. 103; Niles' Weekly Register, 18. 88. 



52 Public Opinion in the South: 

strued as favoring the slaves was a non-importation act in the 
usual terms. ^ 

In Maryland a law was passed in 1809 facilitating manumission, 
but the children of the freed slave were to be slaves unless the 
owner determined that they should be free. Laws were passed in 
1810, 1817, 1824 and 1825 to prevent those slaves whose emanci- 
pation had been determined from being sold out of the state before 
their time for freedom came.^ 

An act passed in Delaware in 1810 provided penalties for at- 
tempts to export a slave whose freedom at a future time was deter- 
mined upon. Other acts in 1816 and 1826 related to fugitive 
slaves, but neither could be called really anti-slavery.^ 

The constitution of Missouri, adopted in 1820, provided that 
any one who maliciously injured or killed a slave should receive 
the same punishment as was given for the same offence committed 
upon a white person. It also gave slaves the right to an impartial 
trial by jury; to punishment of like kind and degree as was ad- 
ministered to whites for the same offence ; and required the courts 
to assign counsel for their defence. In 1824 an act to enable per- 
sons held in slavery to sue for their freedom required recogni- 
zances of the defendant, but not of the petitioners.* 

The first constitution of North Carohna, adopted in 1776, gave 
the elective franchise to all adult freemen presenting the requisite 
property qualification, without distinction of color. This was not 
changed until 1835. In 1817 a law was passed which provided 
that "the offence of killing a slave shall be homicide, and shall 
partake of the same degree of guilt, when accompanied by the 
same circumstances, that homicide does at the common law." 
However, before 1823 (the exact date is not given), this principle 
was modified by a court decision. The first general emancipation 
law in North Carolina was passed in 1830, and remained the law 
until the Civil War. There was a long and tedious process to be 
gone through by the owner, beginning with a public notice of his 
intention six weeks previously; and he must give bonds of $1000 

1 J. C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 159; The. Genius of Uni- 
versal Emancipation, 5. 307; Niles' Weekly Register, 30, 202. See Jackson's speech to 
the colored soldiers in Louisiana in 181 5. 

2 J. C. Hurd; "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 21; Constitution of the 
Pennsylvania Abolition Society, published in pamphlet form in 1820, p. 30. 

3 Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 78-80. 
* Ibid. 2. 168, 169. 



Memorials, Petitions and Resolutions 53 

that the freedman should leave the state in ninety days. A slave 
could be freed for "meritorious services" without being obliged to 
leave the state.' 

Non-importation acts were passed in South Carolina, as in so 
many other states, in 18 16 and 181 7; but all such laws were re- 
pealed in 1818, and no mention is made of any later enactment. 
South Carolina shows the most strongly of all the states the influ- 
ence of pro-slavery feeling during her whole history. It is in- 
teresting to read that in 18 18 it was decided in the courts of this 
state that the calling of a person a mulatto was actionable per se 
as a libel ! South Carolina was the last state to abandon a simple 
money fine for the murder of a slave; in 182 1 an act was passed 
increasing the punishment of a deliberate murder to death without 
benefit of clergy. Murder during sudden passion, or the unpre- 
meditated killing by excessive whipping, was not a capital offence, 
but punishable by a fine of $500, and imprisonment of six 
months.^ 

The non-importation act of Tennessee was passed in 18 12, sev- 
eral years earlier than in the most of the Southern states. It was 
at first, however, passed for only a limited time. It was later 
renewed until in 1826 it was made perpetual. In 181 7 a law was 
enacted to prevent the sudden selling into hopeless bondage of a 
slave who had brought suit for freedom : the owner was required 
to give bonds to produce the plaintiff, if the probability of his free- 
dom had been shown. ^ 

In Kentucky, in 1829 or 1830, a bill was introduced into the 
House of Representatives, "to provide for the constitutional eman- 
cipation of all slaves in the state." It was postponed indefinitely 
on its first reading, by a vote of 18 to 11.^ 

Although Texas was not a part of the Union during the period 
under discussion, it is interesting to note that the anti-slavery sen- 
timent of the time found expression there also. In 1827 the con- 
stitution of the new state of Coahuila and Texas had declared for 

1 Hurd : "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 81 and note, 82 ; Stephen B. 
Weeks; "The Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 224. 

' Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 96-Q8 (Case of libel, King vs. 
Wood); Stroud: "Sketch of Laws relating to Slavery," edition of 1827, pp. 36-40; 
edition of 1856, more definite, pp. 56, 62-64; Nilcs' Weekly Register, 11. 336. It should 
be noticed in this connection that the State of South Carolina had the largest number of 
slaves, both absolutely and relatively. 

3 Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 91, 92. 

* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 145. 



54 Public Opinion in the South: 

the freedom of the post nati, and the prohibition of importation 
after six months. In July, 1829, slavery was entirely abolished by 
a decree of the Dictator, Guerrero. But the new republic whose 
constitution was adopted in 1836 allowed slavery, and no further 
question of abolition was raised.^ 

Virginia, it is claimed by many, would have abolished slavery if 
a longer time had been allowed her. If that statement is true, there 
must have been a decided change after 1831. Up to that time the 
majorities through her whole history seem to be really on the side 
of slavery. In the Revised Code of Virginia, pubhshed in 18 19, 
the murder of a slave by "wilful, malicious and excessive whip- 
ping," was made murder in the first degree; but conviction was 
not at all sure, and in the later codes the provision was omitted 
entirely.' There were very strong words against slavery in the 
Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829-1830; the discussion 
beginning on October 26, 1829, and being continued through 
nearly the whole session. But, though feeling ran high in this 
debate, and slavery was sometimes denounced, it seems not at aU 
a contest for or against slavery per se, but a jealous rivalry of the 
West and East in the state. Under the old regime the East had 
held the balance of power; the West was growing in wealth and 
population, and was desirous of a larger influence in the govern- 
ment. The East was anxious not to give up any influence it 
already possessed, and was also afraid of heavy taxation on the 
slave property. Upshur, who argued for the representation of the 
slaves, speaks of them as a great and important interest, — they 
paid 30 % of the whole revenue from taxation, and one-sixth of 
the power in the national councils was derived from them. One 
argument used by the East for the maintenance of the old basis of 
representation was that the slaveholders had always been in power, 
and had held the non-slaveholders at their mercy, and still the West 
had not been unduly taxed. Yet, although the debate gives distinct 
proofs of being excited by jealousy, and not by anti-slavery senti- 
ments, we may learn something of anti-slavery opinions in Virginia 

1 Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 195; "Laws and Decrees of the 
State of Coahuila and Texas," a parallel edition in Spanish and English (1839), contain- 
ing all the laws and decrees from the foundation of the state till 1834. The decree in 
point is on page 314. 

2 Stroud: "Sketch of Laws relating to Slavery," edition of 1827, p. 36 (when tb^ 
law was in force); edition of 1856, p. 56, note. 



Memorials, Petitions and Resolutions 55 

by its means. Upshur of Northampton, in his speech on October 
28, said : "There exists in a great portion of the West [of Virginia] 
a rooted antipathy to the slave." Mercer of Loudon suggested 
the wisdom of introducing the tenantry system, to supersede slavery. 
Randolph of Charlotte expressed himself as greatly alarmed at the 
"fanatical spirit" on the subject of slavery which was growing up 
in Virginia. He was of the opinion that if the "White Basis" had 
been carried there would have been a bill for emancipation in the 
House of Burgesses in less than twenty years. He used strong and 
bitter words against abolition, which are replied to by a distinct 
disclaimer of any such ideas by the most prominent advocates of 
the "White Basis." ' 

Congressional prohibition of slavery in new states was advocated 
by only one Southern Legislature, that of Delaware, which in Jan- 
uary, 1820, passed a resolution on this subject.^ 

Two allusions in the United States Congress should be inserted 
here as an evidence of Southern feeling. A House bill, passed on 
January 15, 181 1, to allow the Territory of Orleans to form a con- 
stitution, permitted "all free male citizens" of certain property 
qualifications to meet in the constitutional convention. The Senate, 
on January 29, amended it to read "white male citizens." The 
House negatived this amendment, not openly on the ground of 
anti-slavery, but on the plea that Louisiana would be the best judge 
of her own affairs, and could later regulate the suffrage in the con- 
stitution. The Senate, however, refused to recede from their 
amendment, and the House yielded.^ 

Another bill, which resulted more favorably for the anti-slavery 
sentiment, was in regard to the petition of Marigny D'Auterive of 
Louisiana, in 1828, claiming remuneration for loss of time and other 
expenses of the slave, horse and cart, impressed into the United 
States service at the time of the war with England. A long discus- 

1 Report of the Virginia Convention of 1829-1830, pp. 53, 60, 76, 442, 858, etc. 
The occasion of the discussion was the apportionment of representatives, three methods 
being under consideration : the Federal Numbers, the method in use both in Virginia 
and in Congress, favored only by a few at this time for Virginia; a Mixed Basis of white 
population and taxation, a new plan favored by the slaveholders generally; and the 
White Basis, a radical departure from the old methods, — apportionment according to 
the free white population. The last was approved by the non-slaveholders, and gener- 
ally by western Virginia. No agreement was reached, a compromise being passed to 
serve as a temporary settlement merely. See Report, pp. 667, 668, 672, 705, etc. 

2 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 343. 

3 Annals of Congress, nth Congress, 2d Session, 107, 131, 151, 582, 937, 960, 964. 



56 Public Opinion in the South: Memorials, Petitions, etc. 

sion took place in the House on the question whether the slave were 
a person or property. The argument was, if the slave were a person 
there would be no ground for such a claim ; if the slave were prop- 
erty there would be good ground. Quotations were made in the 
course of the debate from the Constitution of the United States and 
from the Bible. Finally the bill was recommitted, with instructions 
to strike out the item giving remuneration for the slave. ^ These 
two are the only bills bearing on the question of which record is 
made in the reports of Congress. The advocates of slavery were 
determined that Congress should not discuss the question, and the 
opposers of the system were not strong enough in Congress, perhaps 
not in their own convictions, to undertake to propose any anti- 
slavery legislation. All other references to the subject in the 
national legislative body were upon the petitions sent by the people 
of the country against slavery in various aspects, and the discussion 
of the Missouri Compromise, which is now conceded to have been 
in reality a victory for the slavocracy. Candler thought, after 
reviewing the Acts of Congress, and the discussions, that, as Con- 
gress was the representative of the people, the Acts of Congress 
proved that the American people were in reality the friends of 
slavery.^ 

1 Congressional Debates, 20th Congress, ist Session, 899, 916, 968, 976, 1006, 1048, 
1068, 1093, 1458. 

2 Isaac Candler: "A Summary View of America," p. 260. 



CHAPTER VI 
PUBLIC OPINION IN THE NORTH: MEN OF PROMINENCE 

While the anti-slavery sentiment in the North was in some 
respects less strong than in the South, the North being only partially 
awakened to the serious question of slavery, there were, neverthe- 
less, many people in the Northern states who not only felt strongly, 
but wrote and worked as they felt. Those who have left some 
distinct record might be conveniently classified into native-born 
Northerners, and natives of the South who had removed to the 
North, In most cases the Southern-born Northerner who advo- 
cated the freedom of the slave was a man who had removed to a 
free state in order to be rid of the system. It naturally followed 
that he was much more active in words and deeds than his Northern 
neighbors. A more distinctive grouping is by locality ; for the two 
centers of anti-slavery activity were lUinois and Ohio. 

In the group of anti-slavery advocates brought into prominence 
by the struggle of 1822-1824 in Illinois, all but one were natives 
of the free states or of England. This struggle, which was, in brief, 
the unsuccessful attempt of the pro-slavery men of Illinois to intro- 
duce slavery into that state, where it had been prohibited by the 
Ordinance of 1787, will be discussed in detail later. The most 
prominent figure in Illinois during the period was a man of Southern 
birth, Edward Coles. He was born in Virginia, heir to several 
hundred slaves, and was a man of talent and education. He was 
the private secretary of President Madison from 1809 to 18 15, and 
was sent on an important mission to Europe in 1815. In 1819 he 
moved to Edwardsville, Illinois, with all his negroes, tarrying on 
his way at Kaskaskia, to use his influence against a slave constitu- 
tion. Before reaching his destination he gave to each of his slaves 
a certificate of freedom, which was prefaced by words showing his 
belief in their inherent right to liberty.^ 

' Elihu Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," pp. 16, 18, 39, 44-53. The mis- 
sion to Europe was to the court of Russia, whose Emperor, deeming himself insulted by 

57 



58 Public Opinion in the North: 

In 1822, owing to a division in the pro-slavery ranks, he was 
elected Governor of Illinois by the anti-slavery minority. The 
Lieutenant Governor and the majority of the Legislature were 
pro-slavery. A message sent to the Legislature in 1822, recommend- 
ing that that body make "just and equitable provisions for the 
abrogation of slavery" in the state, opened the controversy. During 
the struggle Coles was busy with voice, pen and purse in behalf of 
the negro. His correspondence proves his hatred of slavery, and 
his intense desire that freedom should win in the struggle. After 
the close of the contest he was attacked in the courts on a sham 
plea, and with difficulty escaped the loss of all his property.^ 

Among the most prominent of those who aided Coles in this 
struggle in Illinois were Richard Flower, an English emigrant ; ^ 
George Churchill and Curtis Blakeman, both members of the 
House of Representatives of Illinois during the struggle, who voted 
against the convention resolution, and signed the "Appeal to the 
People of Illinois";^ and Morris Birkbeck, a practical farmer 
and literary man, who came to the United States from England in 
1816, and the next year settled in Edwards County, Illinois. Birk- 
beck entered heartily into the conflict. In 1823 he published a 
pamphlet concerning slavery, and during that year and the next 
wrote a series of articles for the Illinois Gazette. In 1824, after 
the defeat of the convention, he became the Secretary of State under 
Governor Coles, but he held the office only three months, as the 
jealousy of the pro-slavery men prevented the ratification of his 
appointment.* 

Of the important group of anti-slavery workers in southern Ohio, 
nearly all were Southern-born; all felt strongly opposed to slavery; 
most of them had removed to Ohio for the sake of freedom; and 
many of them are claimed as immediate emancipationists. Among 
these ma]^be named, as the more prominent, Alexander Campbell,^ 

our government, threatened to expel or imprison our consul at St. Petersburg, who was 
acting as our charge d'affaires during the absence of our minister. Coles was sent pri- 
vately, and succeeded in adjusting the difficulties. 

1 Elihu Washburne : " Sketch of Edward Coles," pp. 59, 183, 195, 199-209, etc. 
Coles received 2810 votes; all others, 5825. 

- See Richard Flower; "Letters from Lexington and the Illinois"; Washburne: 
"Sketch of Edward Coles," p. 143. 

3 Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," pp. 60, 102, 117, 118. 

* For examples of his opinions on slavery see his "Notes on a Journey in America," 
pp. 3, 16, 17 (Eng. ed.); and "Letters from IlUnois," pp. 71, 72, 113 (Eng. ed.). 
See also Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," pp. 182, 186-189, i94-i97- 

5 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 432. 



Men of Prominence 59 

Thomas Morris/ and Samuel Doak," natives of Virginia; and 
Samuel Crothers ^ and William Dunlop/ natives of Kentucky. Of 
these Doak probably exerted the most influence, as he was a teacher 
in several Southern states before removing to Ohio. He is said 
after 18 18 to have taught his scholars the principles of immediate 
abohtion. Among his most receptive pupils were Jesse Lockhart 
and John Rankin, later champions in the cause. 

Among other Ohio workers, of Northern birth, or whose birth- 
place is unknown, some of the more prominent were: James 
Lawton,^ one of the earhest abolitionists in Washington County; 
Dyer Burgess, a native of Springfield, Vermont; and John B. 
Mahan. Dyer Burgess was for many years a member of the Chil- 
licothe Presbytery, and thus associated with men of anti-slavery 
prominence. His sermons against slavery are said to have been 
uncompromising, and he published in 1827 a pamphlet which was, 
apparently, an appeal for immediate abolition. It was largely as 
the result of a paper presented by him at the meeting of the Pres- 
byterian General Assembly, of which he was a member, that the 
strong resolutions were adopted by that body in 1818.^ John B. 
Mahan after 1820 became an active friend of the fugitive slaves, 
w^as associated with Levi Coffin in their behalf from 1826, and 
carried on something very similar to the "Underground Railroad," 
although it was not known by that name.^ 

The most of the anti-slavery advocates of Ohio who have been 
already named, have left no record in their own writings distinctly 
proving how far they committed themselves to the anti-slavery 
cause. But there were others whose position cannot be considered 
thus uncertain. With regard to the exact position of Charles 
Osborn in respect to anti-slavery there is still much conflict of 
opinion ; he has even been styled the father of the modern abolition 
movement. He seems to have taken a prominent part in the forma- 
tion of manumission societies in Tennessee in 1814, and in North 
Carohna in 1816; he removed to Mt. Pleasant, Ohio, in 1816, and 

1 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 432; Appleton's Cyclo- 
pedia of Biography. 

2 Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 74. ^ md. pp. 167, 168. < Ihid. p. 432- 

5 " History of Washington County, Ohio," p. 429. 

6 Ihid. p. 486; Birney: "James G. Birney," pp. 168, 431. 432- That "for years 
before 181 7 " he refused to admit slaveholders to communion is not very significant, as 
he only removed from Vermont to Ohio in 1816. 

^ Birney: " James G. Birney," pp. 166, 167. 



6o Public Opinion in the North: 

in 1817 founded his paper, "The Philanthropist," a paper which 
has been called the "first journal in America to advocate uncon- 
ditional emancipation." The files of the Philanthropist do not 
bear out so strong a statement, as concerns the first two volumes, 
Lundy was a recognized and regular correspondent from the very 
first number, and himself assumed that he selected or wrote nearly 
all the anti-slavery articles. Osborn is said to have been from his 
earliest years a "thorough-going abolitionist" and an abstainer 
from slave-grown produce. There is nothing in these volumes of 
the Philanthropist to confirm or disprove this statement, although 
the distinct statement can be found that emancipation must be 
gradual. He was also opposed to the colonization scheme. But 
even if it were conceded that there may be room for a difference 
of opinion in regard to the anti-slavery tone of the Philanthropist, 
and Osborn's share in the writing of the articles, it does not seem 
possible to maintain the opinion put forward by both Julian and 
Weeks, that he was the first man in America to proclaim the 
doctrine of immediate and universal emancipation, while the books 
by Rice and Bourne still exist, — the former with two editions in 
1792 and 181 2, and the latter pubhshed in 1816. Other books 
and pamphlets are also named in earlier works as taking this atti- 
tude, but they are not now extant.^ 

James Gilliland was one of the more prominent of the Ohio 
abolitionists. He was probably a native of South Carolina, and 
began to preach in that state against slavery and in favor of immedi- 
ate emancipation as early as 1794. His sermons against the insti- 
tution gave so much offence that an appeal was taken to the 
Presbytery, which enjoined him to be silent on the subject; but 
he continued his teaching privately. In 1805 he removed to Ohio 
and became the minister of a church composed almost entirely of 

1 Julian: "The Genesis of Modern Abolitionism," in the International Review for 
June, 1882; "The Truth of Anti-slavery History," in Ibid, for Nov. 18S2. Stephen B. 
Weeks: "The Southern Quakers and Slavery," pp. 235, 236. The conclusions of these 
two authors were reached separately. See also OHver Johnson: "Charles Osborn's 
Place in Anti-slavery History," in the International Review for Sept. 1882, for the other 
side. Unless the later numbers of the Philanthropist are remarkably rich, it is hard to 
find the average of two articles per number of which Weeks speaks. A careful reading of 
the first two volumes, fifty numbers, discloses no strong advocacy of immediate emanci- 
pation; indeed one article (Vol. i, No. 13) distinctly states that emancipation must be 
gradual. There are but fifty-two articles in these fifty numbers which bear upon the 
subject of slavery, and of these nineteen are direct reprints from other papers. A large 
proportion, also, are dated at St. Clairsville, the residence of Lundy, who we know was 
a regular correspondent. But four volumes were edited by Osborn, as he sold his paper 
to Bates in 1820 or 1821. See above, note to p. 26. 



Men of Prominence 6i 

Southerners, a large number of them ex-slaveholders. He was 
always a leader in the abolition movement in Ohio, and his people 
stood by him, and aided him to the extent of their power. In 1820 
he published a pamphlet in dialogue form in which he is said to 
have taught immediate emancipation. He also prepared, in 1829, 
a letter from the Chillicothe Presbytery to the churches under its 
care, which will be considered later.^ 

The strongest and best known of this group of anti-slavery men 
in Ohio was John Rankin, sometimes called the " father of aboli- 
tionism" and the "Martin Luther of the cause." He was a native 
of Tennessee, and was a clergyman in Carlisle, Kentucky, from 
181 7 to 182 1, after which he removed to Ripley, Ohio, where he 
preached for forty-four years. In 181 4 he was a member of a 
society in Jefferson County, Tennessee, which advocated immedi- 
ate emancipation, and while in Kentucky was busily engaged in 
organizing societies auxiliary to the Kentucky Abolition Society. 
He preached the doctrine of immediate emancipation as early as 
1817, and taught it through the press in 1822; indeed his brother, 
A. T. Rankin, says of him: "He never was a gradual emancipa- 
tionist." In 1823-1824 he pubHshed a series of letters on slavery 
in the "Castigator" of Ripley, Ohio, then edited by David Amen. 
These were issued in book form, and many copies sold in both 
Kentucky and Tennessee. Rankin- later joined the Garrisonian 
movement; his Letters were republished in the Liberator; and 
stiU later new editions appeared in book form.^ 

In the first of these Letters he expresses his extreme hatred of 
slavery, and discusses the ground of the prejudice against the 
African. He claims that the degradation, which is one ground of 
this prejudice, is entirely due to the oppression of the negro, since, 
if it were a difference of organization, there would not be even the 
few remarkable exceptions to the general rule. The second letter 
was intended to prove that the negroes were not created for slavery. 
The third recounts the evils of slavery from ignorance and petty 

' William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 433; A. T. Rankin: 
"Truth Vindicated and Slander Repelled," p. 4- See below, p. loo. 

2 Birney: "James G. Birney," pp. 76, 168-171, 390; Appleton's Cyclopedia of 
Biography; John Rankin: "Letters on American Slavery," titlepage; A.T.Rankin: 
"Truth Vindicated," pp. 7, 9, 10, 13, 15; Speech by Rankin in 1830, at a meeting of 
the American Anti-slavery Society, where he claim.s for the .society the basis of a belief 
in immediate abolition. See also S. B. Weeks: "The Southern Quakers and Slavery," 
P- 235- 



62 Public Opinion in the North : 

tyranny under the best of masters, and from severe punishment 
under hard masters; and the interstate slave trade is strongly 
denounced. To Rankin the question was not whether the slaves 
were better or worse off than in Africa, but whether it was just for 
us to enslave them. No writer ever more vigorously set forth the 
ill effects of slavery on the white race, than Rankin in his list of 
nine specific evils resulting from slavery. First, slavery " is opposed 
to domestic peace"; second, "idleness [among slaveholders] is 
generally one result of slavery"; third, "slavery promotes vice 
among the free inhabitants of slaveholding states" ; fourth, " slavery 
debilitates the constitution of slaveholding people"; — man is 
formed for action, and exercise is necessary for health; vice also 
produces disease; — fifth, "slavery must eventually lead to pov- 
erty," through gaming, idleness and extravagance; sixth, slavery 
promotes the ignorance of slaveholders ; seventh, slavery weakens 
every state where it exists; eighth, "slavery cultivates a spirit of 
cruelty"; ninth, "slavery tends to tyranny." A httle later he 
declares that since slaves were originally stolen there can be no 
good title to them ; and lastly he takes up the various pro-slavery 
arguments from the Bible, and refutes them.^ 

Outside the Illinois and Ohio groups we find, scattered over the 
Northern states, a goodly number of men who worked for the bene- 
fit of the slave, as individuals, or in connection with local abolition 
societies. Among these are to be found a few pohticians, who in 
some way manifested a hatred of the system. The attitude of John 
Adams may be shown by an extract from a letter dated in June, 
1819. "I have, through my whole hfe, held the practice of slavery 
in such abhorrence, though I have lived for many years in times 
when the practice was not disgraceful, when the best men in my 
vicinity thought it not inconsistent with their character, and when 
it has cost me thousands of dollars for the labor and subsistence 
of free men, which I might have saved by the purchase of negroes 
at times when they were very cheap." ^ 

John Quincy x\dams says in his diary, under the date of Decem- 
ber 27, 1819: "With the Declaration of Independence on their 
lips, and the merciless scourge of slavery in their hands, a more 

1 John Rankin: "Letters on American Slavery," second edition, pp. 5, 10-12, 32, 
66-74, 77, 80-118, etc. 

2 John Adams: "Works," edited by Charles Francis Adams, 10. 379. 



Men of Prominence 63 

flagrant image of human inconsistency can scarcely be conceived 
than one of our Southern slaveholding repubhcans." In his notes 
on the Missouri question he speaks very strongly: "Never since 
human sentiments and human conduct were influenced by human 
speech was there a theme for eloquence like the free side of this 
question." He even suggests that a dissolution of the Union and 
entire reorganization on the fundamental principles of emancipa- 
tion would be both feasible and productive of good results, even 
though the dissolution was accompanied by the calamities of a 
civil war. A sonnet written by him in 1826 also contains this sen- 
timent, although it may not be fair to adduce it as proof of the 
strength of his anti-slavery opinion. The last lines are : 

"Who but shall learn that freedom is the prize 
Man still is bound to rescue or maintain; 
That nature's God commands the slave to rise, 
And on th' oppressor's head to break his chain. 
Roll, years of promise, rapidly roll round. 
Till not a slave shall on this earth be found." ^ 

The attitude of Webster toward slavery is rather equivocal. De- 
terminedly set against nullification, he seems at times almost pro- 
portionately weak against slavery. His opinions, as given by his 
biographer, seem to include a recognition of slavery as a "political, 
social, and moral evil," the extension of which must be opposed, 
but which in the slave states was entirely beyond the control of the 
rest of the Union, and which in the District of Columbia must be 
treated with reference to the effect of the action upon the rest of 
the South. ^ 

There were many members of Congress, of less note than those 
already mentioned, who used their voices against slavery. In 
April, 1818, Edward Livermore of Massachusetts submitted to 
the House a resolution offering an amendment to the Constitution, 
w^hich read: "No person shaU be held to service or labor as a 
slave, nor shaU slavery be tolerated in any state hereafter admitted 
into the Union, or made one of the United States of America." 
Congress was not ready for this, and consideration was negatived.^ 

1 John Quincy Adams: "Memoirs and Diary," edited by Charles Francis Adams, 4. 
492, 524, 531; 7- 164. 

2 George T. Curtis: "Life of Daniel Webster," i. 526. 

3 Annals of Congress, isth Congress, ist Session, 1675. 



64 Public Opinion in the North: 

David L, Morrill of New Hampshire, in the same session, declared 
it as his behef that the blacks had a right to freedom, and that a 
desire for the end of slavery was a duty owed to self, country and 
God. He also contended that the abolition of slavery was con- 
templated by the framers of the Constitution. Both he and William 
Plumer, Jr., a Representative from the same state, denounced ^ 
slavery in unmeasured terms during the session of 1820. Other 
Congressmen also gave their voice against slavery as an institu- 
tion during the years 1820-1821; Ezra C. Gross^ and Henry 
Meigs ^ of New York, John Sergeant * of Pennsylvania, and Joshua 
Cushm.an * of Maine being perhaps the most outspoken. In 1826 
Michael Hoffman ^ of New York denounced slavery and the de- 
fence of it by Edward Everett; and in 1829 Charles Miner' of 
Pennsylvania introduced into the House resolutions favoring an 
investigation of the condition of the slaves in the District of Co- 
lumbia, and the gradual abolition of slavery, which were passed 
after some discussion, but produced no result in permanent form. 
Of the prominent anti-slavery workers in the North during this 
period, the greater number were, probably, in Pennsylvania and 
New York; a large number being residents of Philadelphia. 
Among these last were Edwin Pitt Atlee,^ M.D. ; Thomas Earle,*^ 
who beheved in abolition with compensation; Thomas Shipley,^ 
who made great exertions in favor of the slaves ; William Rawle,^*^ a 
prominent lawyer and historical student, who aimed to bring about 
the end of slavery by a change in public opinion; Roberts Vaux, 
who was of great service to Governor Coles in the Illinois contest, 
by selecting and printing pamphlets and tracts for distribution;^* 

1 Annals of Congress, 15th Congress, ist Session, 102, 103; 16th Congress, ist 
Session, 135 ff. 2946. i4i2ff. 

- Ibid. i6th Congress, ist Session, 1242. 

3 Ibid. 944; i6th Congress, 2nd Session, 1168. 

^ Ibid. i6th Congress, ist Session, ii72ff. 

5 Ibid. i29i£f.; i6th Congress, 2nd Session, 1015. Cushman was Representative 
from Massachusetts until the division of the state, and the admission of Maine. 

^ Register of Debates, 19th Congress, ist Session, 1872. 

^ Register of Debates, 20th Congress, ist Session, 167, 175, 191, etc. See below, p. 221. 

8 Isaac Parrish : " Brief Memoirs of Thomas Shipley and Edwin P. Atlee," pp. 31-33. 

9 Henry Simpson: "The Lives of Eminent Philadelphians, now Deceased"; his 
later work is mentioned in R. C. Smedley: "History of the Underground Railroad in 
Chester and the Neighboring Counties of Pennsylvania." 

10 .'\ppleton's Cyclopedia of Biography; T. I. Wharton: "A Memoir of William 
Rawle, LL.D."; Note to Rawle's Inaugural .\ddress before the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society, in Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, republication of 1864, 
I. 31. 

" Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," pp. 153-159, 205-216. 



Men of Prominence 65 

Edward Bettle, the author of a historical paper on negro slavery, 
read before the Pennsylvania Historical Society in 1826 ; ^ and Isaac 
T. Hopper, who joined the abolition society in 1795, and was a 
member till his death in 1852. Hopper was well known as a friend 
to the negro, and was always ready to be the legal adviser of the fugi- 
tive, although he did not confine himself to legal means, if bethought 
them likely to fail. He was the overseer of a colored school, and him- 
self taught in an evening school for the negroes in Philadelphia? 

Daniel Gibbons of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, the son of an anti- 
slavery advocate of the earlier period, was active in assisting fugi- 
tive slaves from 1796 to 1853. The number whom he aided to 
escape before 1824 is estimated as over two hundred. Later he 
kept full records of each case, but after the passage of the stricter 
fugitive slave law of 1850, they were destroyed. His son Joseph 
was his faithful assistant.^ 

Among the more prominent workers in New York was William 
Jay, whose career as an opponent of slavery dated from the Mis- 
souri Compromise, although his first really active efforts were in 
connection with the struggle for abolition in the District of Co- 
lumbia in 1826. He drafted the memorial to Congress in relation 
to the case of Gilbert Horton. His chief labor was by his writings 
to keep the abolitionists consistent with the provisions of the Con- 
stitution, lest a failure to recognize them might put the cause in "a 
wrong position and endanger the final result.* 

Elias Hicks, a native and life-long resident of Long Island, used 
his influence in the meetings of the Quakers against slavery. He 
was early interested in the African race, and wasone of the first to 
bring the subject before his society. According to his journal, he 
first spoke in public on the subject of slavery in 181 5; he also 
visited the South and spoke against slavery in 1822 and 1828. He 
especially advocated abstinence from slave products, and himself 
carefully abstained from their use. In 181 1 he published "Ob- 
servations of Slavery"; from 1813 was actively interested in the 
cause of African education; and was engaged with others in the 

1 Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, edition of 1826, p. 351; edition 
of 1864, pp. 365, 481. Register of Pennsylvania, 10. 327-332, 337-339. 

2 L. M. Child: "Isaac T. Hopper." A True Life; see M. S. Locke: "Anti-slavery 
in America, 1619-1808, § 105. 

3 Smedley: "History of the Underground Railroad in . . . Pennsylvania." 

* Bayard Tuckerman : "William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the 
Abolition of Slavery," pp. 29, 7,1, 34, 156. For the case of Horton, see pages 29-38. 

5 



66 Public Opinion in the North: 

labors which resulted in the abolition act which totally abolished 
slavery in New York in 1827.^ 

The number of anti-slavery workers in New England before 
183 1 was very small, if we include only those the record of whose 
public work has been preserved to us. The older men who are 
still living, however, bear witness to private conversations on slavery 
in their own homes, between visitors and their parents, which show 
the existence of such a sentiment in the latter part of the period 
under discussion. Jeremiah Evarts wrote for the "Panophst" in 
1820 a series of articles showing that the failure of the struggle 
for freedom in Missouri was not a cause for despair, but that the 
condition of the slave was still a legitimate object of labor. 

The two names most prominently connected with the anti- 
slavery question during this period, in New England, are those of 
Leonard Bacon and William Lloyd Garrison. The "Andover 
Society of Inquiry concerning Missions" concerned themselves 
with anti-slavery as well, after their interest had been aroused by 
the discussions of the Missouri Compromise, In 1823 out of six 
elaborate dissertations pubhshed by them not less than four are 
devoted to this subject. At the suggestion of a student from Ken- 
tucky a committee was appointed to consider means for the eleva- 
tion of the black race; and Leonard Bacon wrote the report of 
this committee, which really advocated the American Colonization 
Society. The report, full of denunciations of slavery, was pub- 
lished as a pamphlet and circulated both at the North and the 
South. In 1824 Bacon was invited to give the annual Fourth of 
July address at Park Street Church, Boston, and chose the subject, 
"A Plea for Africa." While an earnest plea for the African in 
America, it was equally strong for African Colonization. In 1825 
he repeated the address in New Haven, and two days later an 
anti-slavery society was formed by Leonard Bacon, Luther Wright, 
Alexander Twining, Edward Beecher and Theodore D. Woolsey, 
with the object of working, first for the education and protection 
of the blacks of New Haven, and next for the elevation of public 
sentiment. This society increased in numbers, and remained in 
existence till the new era in the work.^ 

1 Appleton's Cyclopedia of Biography; Elias Hicks: "Journal of Life and Religious 
Labours," pp. 159, 244, 262, 347, 348, 380, 393, 419, 447, etc. 

^ Christian Spectator, Sept. and Oct. 1823, pp. 485, 540; see below, p. 120. Those 
facts with regard to the anti -slavery sentiment in New England before 183 1 not otherwise 



Meji of Prominence 67 

The work of Garrison is variously estimated, some considering 
him as the Apostle of Abolition, before whom and without whom 
there was no organized movement in favor of the slave; and 
others taking the opposite extreme, and regarding him as the one 
hindrance to the cause, which prevented its success, and made 
necessary the war of 1861-1865. It is only necessary to discuss 
here his work before 1831, when he first issued the "Liberator," 
and ushered in a new era of anti-slavery agitation. His first re- 
corded words against slavery were in an editorial comment on a 
poem on Africa, published in 1826 in "The Free Press," in New- 
buryport, in which office he was then employed. In June of the 
same year he made a brief mention of slavery in an article review- 
ing the state of progress of the nation in view of the approaching 
Fourth of July. No more is heard from him until 1828, when he 
commented in "The National Philanthropist," then edited by 
him, on the bill in South Carolina to prohibit the instruction of the 
slaves, and again took the occasion to denounce slavery. In March, 
1828, he met Lundy, on the occasion of his visit to Boston, and 
published a Httle later, in the "Journal of the Times," of Ben- 
nington, Vermont, which he was then editing, his impressions of 
this remarkable man. 

It was in this paper Garrison first began his work against slavery. 
It is referred to in the "Genius," and a part of his first editorial is 
quoted, giving the three objects "which we shall pursue through 
life, whether in this place or elsewhere — namely the suppression 
of intemperance and its associate vices, the gradual emancipation 
of every -^lave in the republic, and the perpetuity of national 
peace." From this quotation we see that anti-slavery opinion was 
no more born full-grown in Garrison than in the other workers. 
A year later he had experienced a decided change of sentiment, 
for it was in the autumn of 1829 that he expressed in the " Genius" 
his belief in immediate emancipation. Possibly some of the 
other writers now known to have written in favor of immediate 
emancipation had come under his observation; perhaps it was 
the natural growth of the man himself. Still in 1828 he was not 

credited, are largely taken from the paper by Leonard Woolsey Bacon, entitled "The 
Services of Leonard Bacon to African Colonization," published in "Liberia," Bulletin 
No. 15, Nov. 1899, and No. i6, Feb. iqoo; and reprinted in pamphlet form in 1900; 
and from a paper read by Mr. Bacon before the Boston Ministers' Meeting, in 1900, not 
printed. 



V 



68 Public Opinion in the North: 

behind the majority of the anti-slavery men of his time, for the 
American Convention of 1828 also expressed its satisfaction with 
his position. It was about this time, 1828, that Garrison pro- 
posed the immediate formation of anti-slavery societies in Ver- 
mont and elsewhere in New England, and circulated through 
Vermont, by means of the postmasters, petitions against slavery 
in the District of Columbia, to w^hich he succeeded in getting 
2352 names. The paper was sent to Congress, but received no 
discussion, beyond being referred to a committee. On the 
Fourth of July, 1829, he gave the annual address at Park Street 
Church, Boston, taking for his subject an appeal against slavery. 
In this he had "the zeal of a new convert," and for that reason 
may have antagonized some of his hearers, since he assumed to 
be the first to speak on the question in that part of the country, 
while in fact it was the seventh in the line of Fourth of July ad- 
dresses at the same place which had been upon that topic.^ 

It may be well to correct in this place a misapprehension in re- 
gard to what is often termed Garrison's "residence" in Baltimore, 
in his early life. He has been blamed for his slowness to enter 
anti-slavery work, because as a youth he had himself lived in 
Baltimore, and had therefore seen something of slavery with his 
own eyes. A sufficient answer to this criticism is, that he went to 
Baltimore with his mother in October, 1815, when he was ten years 
old, and was sent home in April, 1816, before his eleventh birth- 
day. It would be a precocious youth who, at such a tender age, 
could, in the course of such a short visit, conceive a strong antip- 
athy to slavery. A second visit, in June, 1823, when he was about 
eighteen years of age, lasted less than a month, and his time was 
entirely engrossed by his sick mother, for whose sake he had made 
the journey. He made no other visit South until his partnership 
with Lundy. 

In August, 1829, Garrison went to Baltimore to aid Lundy in 
the publication of the "Genius of Universal Emancipation." In 

1 "William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879. The Story of his Life told by his Children," 
I. 65, 80-86, 98, 103, 107-110, 124, 127-137; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 
9. 87; Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 
1828, p. 9; Oliver Johnson: "William Lloyd Garrison and His Times," p. 26; L. W. 
Bacon: "The Services of Leonard Bacon to African Colonization," reprint, p. 11; 
See above, p. 26. Some of the books advocating immediate emancipation were known 
to Garrison, as they are named in his biography; whether at this period or later is not 
so certain. 



Men of Prominence 69 

the first number under their joint editorship he announced his 
position on the slavery question, as follows: first, the slaves were 
entitled to immediate emancipation ; second, expediency had noth- 
ing to do with right ; third, on the ground of expediency, immedi- 
ate emancipation was better; fourth, we had no right to force their 
removal from the country/ In a succeeding number he declares 
that he believes in immediate, complete emancipation, but that the 
different states and not Congress must effect it, except in the case 
of the District of Columbia. He does not advocate immediate 
emancipation, however, without "liberal provisions and suitable 
regulations by law for the maintenance and government of the 
emancipated blacks."" Garrison's writings in the "Genius" are 
as variously estimated as his work in general. Some writers sup- 
pose that he alone inserted anything in favor of immediate eman- 
cipation in the paper; others insist that the other editors devoted 
even more space to it than he. Neither of these claims can be sus- 
tained in its entirety by a study of the files of the paper ; the other 
editors did insert strong articles urging immediate emancipation, 
even before Garrison's name was mentioned in connection with 
slavery; but the amount inserted over Garrison's name, during 
the time he was in Baltimore, is at least equal to that inserted by 
the other editors during the same time. 

Lundy's words in denunciation of slavery are as strong in many 
instances as any of Garrison's, and sometimes even stronger than 
any language used by Garrison. The difference seems to lie in 
the application of the words. Lundy denounced slavery as a 
system, the slave trade as a business, the desire for new slave ter- 
ritory as political chicanery; and he plead for the negroes as a 
race. However bitter and sharp his words, they offered no hold for 
an indictment for libel, and he was not attacked except in one in- 
stance when he departed from his usual custom, and arraigned a 
slave trader personally. Garrison, on the other hand, not only 
condemned slavery, but assailed slave traders and slave owners as 
individuals, and in consequence, in 1830, suffered imprisonment 
for his rashness.^ A careful study of this affair leads to the con- 
clusion that it was not his denunciation of slavery per se which 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, lo. s; see above; pp. 45-47. 

2 Ibid. 10. 19. 

3 See the account of the affair in the "Genius," 11. 17, 33; and in Lundy's reminis- 
cences, in Earl's "Life of Lundy, " pp. 29, 30, where Lundy himself gives this explanation. 



70 Public Opinion in the North: Men of Prominence 

brought him into trouble, but the personal resentment of a man 
who had been personally attacked, and the sympathy of a pro- 
slavery jury, who may also have looked upon him as a stranger, 
since he was so recently come among them. Pro-slavery men were, 
besides, at this time beginning to look with suspicion at all North- 
erners, partly because of their attitude at the time of the Missouri 
contest; Garrison was undeniably a Northerner, and even if he 
had used conciliatory measures might have found it difficult not 
to arouse their suspicions. Lundy was equally a Northerner, by 
birth ; but his long residence in the South, and the fact that he had 
moved to Baltimore from Tennessee, may easily have made his 
neighbors less ready to quarrel with him. 



CHAPTER VII 

PUBLIC OPINION IN THE NORTH: POPULAR SENTIMENT 

The division of the period 1808 to 1831 into four parts, as noted 
at the South, is not distinct at the North, and does not warrant 
similar treatment ; we find but few clear indications of the general 
sentiment of the North during these years. Travelers in the North 
as in the South describe the attitude of the people with whom they 
conversed on the subject, A resident of southern Ohio gave slavery 
as the cause of the slower advancement of Virginia; ^ the people 
of southern New England are quoted as abhorring slavery so much 
that they would be slow to assist slaveholders in case of a slave 
insurrection ; ' and the earnest labor of the Northern states to 
eradicate slavery from themselves is referred to, and their almost 
universal favor for the restriction in Missouri.^ Isaac Holmes, in 
an account of the United States "derived from actual observation 
during a residence of four years," and published in 1823, wrote 
freely in regard to the feeling of the Americans toward slavery. 
"To the honor of the inhabitants of New York and Philadelphia 
be it spoken, that they haVe done much in favor of the blacks." 
He asserted that in a few years slavery would not exist in New 
York; that in New Jersey measures had been taken for gradual 
emancipation; and that of the members of Congress from the 
Eastern states who voted for slavery in Missouri, nine out of ten 
had not been afterwards returned.* Yet J. M. Duncan, who 
traveled through the United States at about the same time, 18 18- 
1819, and printed his observations in the same year, 1823, 
while saying that Americans "of candor" did not hesitate to 
acknowledge and lament the inconsistency of slavery, states that 
he occasionally saw in New York advertisements of slaves for 
sale, and Fearon, another traveler, says the same.^ 

1 John Melish : "Travels in the United States of America," 2. 98. 

2 W. N. Blane: "An Excursion through the United States and Canada," p. 214. 
. 3 James Flint: "Letters from America," p. 167. 

* Isaac Holmes : "An Account of the United States of America," pp. 324, 325. 
5 John M. Duncan : "Travels through part of the United States and Canada," 2. 251, 
254; Henry B. Fearon: "Sketches of America. A Narrative of a Journey, etc.," p. 57. 

71 



72 Public Opinion in the North: 

The actual position of the negroes at the North throws a con- 
siderable light upon the attitude of that section of the country, 
and the reasons for it. Travelers often speak of the degradation 
of the negro, even in the free states, and perhaps especially in New 
York and New Jersey, where slavery yet existed in some measure, 
and the total number of negroes was much larger. The apprentice 
system of Ohio was considered by many to be virtual slavery, and 
real slavery was often the result. "This baleful practice promises 
a perpetuation of practical slavery throughout America," is the ver- 
dict of one who saw it. Another traveler was impressed by the 
indifference of some residents of Vincennes, Indiana, to the cruelties 
attached to the capture of a fugitive slave.^ Ohio enforced in 1829 
laws expelling the colored people who had taken refuge there, and 
drove a large number to Upper Canada, where they suffered great 
distress. While Massachusetts did not go so far, a committee was 
appointed by the Legislature, in 182 1, to inquire into the expedi- 
ency of such a law. The report of this committee, on January 16, 
1822, states that sympathy for the African must not prevent a due 
regard to the morals and health of -Massachusetts, which seemed 
endangered by the presence of so large a colored population; yet 
they could not prepare a bill which they could "conscientiously" 
report to the House, and therefore asked to be discharged from 
further service.^ 

W. Faux, an English farmer who visited America, says in his 
journal, which was published in 1823, that the people of New Eng- 
land took free negroes to the South and sold them for slaves. This 
seems impossible, unless he refers to the undoubted fact that New 
England had a large share in the foreign slave trade, even after its 
prohibition. Yet his words are clearly indicative of a real sale of 
free black citizens of Massachusetts, by New Englanders going to 
Charleston, South Carolina; and he gives some instances.^ New 
York in 1818 was "but theoretically" a free state. The story is 
told of a colored barber who would not serve even free colored 
men, for in so doing he would lose the custom of the whites. The 

1 Basil Hall: "Travels in North America," i. 139; Isaac Holmes: "An Account of 
the United States of America," pp. 331, 334; Fearon : "Narrative of a Journey, etc.," 
pp. 98, 99, 226, 264; Blane: "Travels through the United States," pp. 149-152. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 26; Niles' Weekly Register, 20. 311; 
Report of the committee in pamphlet form. The report is signed by Theodore Lyman, 
Jr., was read in the House, accepted, and signed by Josiah Quincy as Speaker. 

3 W. Faux ; "Memorable Days in America," p. 37. 



Popular Sentiment 73 

blacks were excluded from the churches, and from all social inter- 
course. "In the states of New York and New Jersey," says one 
of these travelers, "the treatment of Americans of color by their 
white countrymen is worse than that of the brute creation." Even 
in Philadelphia, where the anti-slavery feeling was the strongest, 
the "colored citizens were despised," and treated "with much 
contempt," the Quakers, even, allotting them separate pews.^ 

But the negro at the North was not altogether in darkness. In 
March, 1831, the Register of Pennsylvania printed a list of bene- 
ficiary societies of colored persons in Philadelphia. There were 
seventeen such societies of men, founded, one in 1795, the others 
between 1810 and 1830, and distributing sums varying from $18.40 
to $415.19 during the year 1830-1831. There were at the same_ 
time twenty-seven societies of women, founded, one in 1796, the 
rest 1816 to 1830, and distributing during the same year sums vary- 
ing from $15 to $428.50. The total sum so distributed was $5819.29.^ 

Interesting descriptions of the schools and churches for the 
colored people at the North are given. An African church in 
Boston, founded in 1805, had in 1813 a three-story church building, 
forty, by forty-eight feet, the lower story used as a schoolroom for 
colored children, with an attendance of about forty. Other churches 
are spoken of as well; one in Philadelphia and one in New York, 
both established in 1809. The Old Baptist Church in Providence, 
Rhode Island, allowed colored members in 1813, and was likely to 
continue to admit them, since a legacy had been left in charge of 
the church for the poor colored members. "The African Improve- 
ment Society" in New Haven, Connecticut, in 1829 supported a 
church, a Sunday School with an average attendance of eighty, 
Bible classes, and an evening school.^ 

Plainly the means for the education of the colored children in 
the North were inadequate, although much better than at the South. 
In 1828 there were two schools in New Haven, a city having eight 

1 Fearon: "Narrative of a Journey, etc.," pp. 56-61, 169; John Woods: "Two 
Years' Residence in the . . . United States,'' p. 61; James Flint: "Letters from 
America," pp. 22, 37. 

2 Register of Pennsylvania, 7. 163. It is said to have appeared as an advertisement 
in the Philadelphia Gazette. Other societies are said to have existed, but to have sent no 
report for the year. 

3 David Benedict: "General History of the Baptist Denomination," edition of 1813, 
I. 412, 488, 542, 591; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 129. There was also 
an "African Union Meeting and School-house" in Providence, erected during the yeai-s 
1819-1821, the report of which, with rules for its future government, was published in 
Providence in 1821. 



74 Public Opinion in the North: 

hundred resident negroes; three in Boston, for two thousand 
negroes; one in Portland, Maine, for nine hundred; three in 
Philadelphia, with a negro population of twenty thousand; and 
two in New York for fifteen thousand. Those in Boston were 
supported partially by a bequest for the purpose. Needles, in his 
history of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, speaks of a success- 
ful attempt to procure schooling for the colored children at public 
expense, under the laws of Pennsylvania providing for the educa- 
tion of poor children. A day school in New Haven containing 
about sixty scholars was supported for about six months of the 
year by the public school money, and the rest by the parents of 
the children. The school of which we have the fullest reports was 
in New York. "The New York African Free School " was men- 
tioned in the address of the American Convention in 1828 to the 
societies represented. A careful report of the school was sent to 
this convention, with specimens of the work done there: maps, 
charts, pictures, essays and verses. Those children whose ages 
were given were from eleven to fifteen years old, and their work 
would compare very well with work of the same sort done by 
children of the same ages in the public schools of New England 
today. Mention is made of schools in New York in other years, 
and perhaps several were in existence during the period.^ 

The attitude of the people of the North as a whole may be seen 
in some measure by the speeches, pamphlets, and books published 
during the period. Extracts from the writings of some Northern 
travelers have already been given to show the sentiment at the 
South on the subject of slavery, and the treatment of the slaves. 
Nearly all of these also express their personal abhorrence of the 

1 There may have been others in these cities although nothing but the vaguest refer- 
ence has been found, and nothing that might not be referred to the ones named in the text. 
See The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 47; Edward Needles: History of the 
Pennsylvania Abolition Society, p. 69. This measure was adopted by the society in 1S20, 
but the address to the American Convention in 1821 (p. 12) says that their efforts to 
obtain public funds for colored schools had so far failed, although they still hoped for 
future success. A reading of Needles leads one to infer that the attempt was success- 
ful in 1820, but that may not have been the intention of the author. 

Schools in New York are referred to in 180S (Minutes of the American Convention for 
Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 1809, p. 10); 1812 {Ihid. for 1812, p. 26); 1S26 
(The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 35); 1827 (Basil Hall: "Travels in North 
America," 1. 29, 30); 1828 (Minutes of the American Convention for 1828, pp. 20, 29, 
62); and about 1829 (Thomas Hamilton : "Men and Manners in America," pp. 55, 56). 
The date of the last is not definitely given. The school mentioned in the "Genius" had 
the fine reputation that none of those who had been on its registers for any time had been 
convicted of crime. 



Popular Sentiment ' 75 

system. In 1812 Amos Stoddard, a prominent man, member of 
several societies, including the New York Historical Society, wrote 
his "Sketches of Louisiana." He deprecated the idea of a citizen 
of a free state sitting in judgment on those of the slave states, yet 
he did not feel it right to be silent. He said of slavery: "It is a 
stain on the character of civilized nations that slavery was ever 
authorized among them; and how a Christian people can reconcile 
it to their consciences, no one can determine, except it be on ac- 
count of interest." After comparing American slavery with that 
of the Barbary States, he continued: "With what justice can we 
demand the enjoyment of a right, when at the same time we pro- 
hibit it to others?" The most substantial argument in favor of 
slaveholding is, in his opinion, the right of the strongest.^ 
/ David Thomas, a resident of New York State, published in 
/^i9 an account of a journey through the West which he had taken 
in 1816. On crossing the Ohio after a stay in Virginia, he speaks 
of the exultation with which he at last trod a soil " uncontaminated 
by slavery." ^ James K. Paulding, while writing from the South 
in the same year, 18 16, speaks of his hatred of slavery, and his 
ardent wish "that there was not a man in our country that could 
stand up and with his black finger point to the preamble of our 
constitution . . . and swear it was not true." ^ Estwick Evans, 
apparently a New Hampshire man, recounted a "Pedestrious 
Tour" in the South in 1818; he denounced slavery, asking: "Why 
do we boast of liberty when every day we violate its most 
sacred principles?" and quoted many Southern opposers of the 
system.* 

George W. Ogden, in 1823, published letters written during a 
Western trip in 182 1, in which, among other things, he discussed 
slavery. Shocking scenes of distress among the slaves are recounted, 
and there are violent words of execration against the system. He 
feels sure that prohibition in Ohio contributed greatly to the popu- 
lation of the state, and that it turned the current of European 
emigration from Kentucky and Tennessee towards Ohio, Indiana 
and Illinois. Speaking of Kentucky he says: "A sense of pro- 
priety, and a regard for the reputation, and true interest of the 

1 Amos Stoddard: "Sketches of Louisiana," pp. 331-343. y 

2 David Thomas: "Travels through the Western Country, etc.," p. 80. ^ 

3 James K. Paulding: "Letters from the South," p. iiq. 

< Estwick Evans: "A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles, etc.," p. 216. 



76 Public Opinion in the North: 

United States, should have taught the guardians of her pubhc weal 
to wash their hands from this foul stain." ^ In 1824 Henry C. 
Knight, under the pen name of "Arthur Singleton, Esq.," pub- 
lished letters from the South and West. His humorous and exag- 
gerated vein makes it hard to judge how far he is in earnest in 
regard to slavery; he repeatedly says that the slaves were w^ell 
treated and cheerful, and that he himself had an instinctive dishke 
to call a black man brother; yet he found it "painful to reflect, 
that, from the sweat of the brows of these trampled wretches, do 
we receive many of the comforts, and luxuries, of life;" and he 
cannot forget the inconsistency of this "tyranny" with the boasted 
democracy of the slaveholders.^ 

Other writers are no less vigorous; Thomas Branagan, the 
author of "The Penitential Tyrant," and of other poems and prose 
works against slavery published in the earlier period, was a native 
of Dublin, Ireland. His connection with the sea gave him a knowl- 
edge of the slave trade, and his life on a West India plantation 
taught him the evils of slavery. In 18 12 he published a book 
entided "The Rights of God, Written for the Benefit of Man." 
The book takes up slavery as one of many abuses. After a review 
of the corruption and fall of the ancient nations, he contends that 
no nation ever had greater privileges than America, but that "it 
requires no spirit of divination to foresee that without repentance 
and reformation we must participate in the punishment, as we do 
the ingratitude of the favorite people of God. . . . Let us forego 
our national crimes, particularly the one which exhibits us to the 
view of angels and men, as a nation of legal impostors, and political 
hypocrites; I mean SLAVERY!! and we need not fear either 
men or devils." ^ 

John Bristed, a native of England who emigrated to New York 
in 1806, published in 1818 a book on the "Resources of the United 
States," in which slavery is unsparingly denounced. "Slavery is 
an absolute evil, unquahfied by any alloy of good. ... In what- 
ever light we view it, domestic slavery is a most pernicious institu- 

1 George W. Ogden : "Letters from the West," pp. 14, 80, loi. In a note on page 
106 he announces that he is preparing a work on the evils of slavery which will also pro- 
pose a plan for gradual abolition. There is no proof that he ever carried out his intention. 

- Henry C. Knight: "Letters from the South and West," p. 113. 

3 James Branagan : "The Rights of God, etc.," pp. 40, etc. Capitals as in the original. 
For his work before 1808 see M. S. Locke: "Anti-slavery in America, 1610-1808." 
S 186. 



Popular Sentiment 77 

tion." ' An anonymous Pennsylvanian in 1820, said: "No 
American ever yet dared to vindicate Human Slavery in the ab- 
stract, — or to justify the bondage of his fellow man upon any other 
plea than that of necessity.'' - Another writer at about the same 
time, in a discussion of the Missouri Question, said : " Slavery is 
a disgrace to the American name. It is a blot on the human 
character." ^ 

Charles J. Fox, in a series of essays on slavery pubhshed in the 
New York Commercial Advertiser in 1821, or perhaps somewhat 
earlier, said: "There are other numerous evils which Slavery is 
shedding upon our country hke a poisonous Wight"; such are 
pride, tyranny, degradation of labor and sectional animosity.* A 
correspondent from Ohio, signing himself "Franklin," declared 
in the same year that "slavery is an evil of the greatest magnitude," 
and asked why its abolition should not be hastened.^ 

Matthew Carey, a native of Ireland, emigrated to Philadelphia 
and entered upon literary work in 1785. It is hard to decide upon 
the exact position of Carey on the subject of slavery, but he shows 
some amount of opposition to the system. A pamphlet published 
in 1814, entitled "A Calm Address," treats of the subject of 
slave representation on the basis of political equality. In his 
"Miscellaneous Essays" pubhshed in 1829, there is an essay on 
colonization, which he apparently favored as the only means for 
the mitigation of the evils of slavery ; and he expressed his behef 
that mitigation was all that could be hoped for. Another series 
of essays on universal emancipation, published by Carey in Phila- 
delphia in 1827, with the pseudonym "Hamilton," and collected 
in the volume of essays noted above, may give more clearly his 
real views. The conclusions he draws are : Slavery is a great 
evil; immediate emancipation is unattainable, except at too high 
a price; the evil can be mitigated; and it is the duty of all slave- 
holders both, to make the institution milder, and to prepare the 
way for immediate emancipation.^ 

1 John Bristed: "The Resources of the United States of America," pp. 149-155, 
388-392, 423-426. 

2 Darlington, "Desultory Remarks on the Missouri Question," p. 11; a quotation 
from the "American Republican" for Jan. 11, 1820. 

3 "The Crisis No. i," p. 3. (This is not the pro-slavery book by Brutus.) 
* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 13. 

5 Ibid. I. 4. 

8 Freeman Hunt: "Lives of American Merchants," i. 307; Carey: "Miscellaneous 
Essays." 



78 Public Opinion in the North: 

Among the most vigorous attacks on slavery were the essays of 
"Vigornius," first printed in the Boston Recorder and Telegraph 
in 1825, and reissued in 1826. The writer gives a sketch of the 
origin of slavery, and its existence in other countries; repeatedly 
denies, vi^ith increasing force, our right to hold the negroes in 
bondage; and denounces slavery as in "flagrant opposition to the 
genius of our government," as "a great political evil," and as a 
great moral evil. In his sixth essay he declares that the "slave- 
holding system must be abolished," and in order to accomplish 
this, "immediate, determined measures" must be taken for "ulti- 
mate emancipation." He considered it unwise to free the slave 
with no preparation for freedom by education, thinking that the 
result would not be for the happiness of the slave. These essays 
provoked others, which were later bound together in one pamphlet. 
Those by "Hieronymus" have already been discussed; others 
were by "A Carolinian," who upheld slavery, and "Philo," who 
claimed to "speak the language of New England." The latter, 
while disclaiming all idea of immediate emancipation under exist- 
ing conditions, said : " We think slavery so great a national calam- 
ity, and crime too; — one so threatening in its aspect, one which 
so much involves our national character, — that it ought to enlist 
the feehngs of the whole nation." ^ 

Two descriptions of the dark side of slavery deserve mention 
here. "A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery," by Jesse Torrey, was 
written in 1816 and first, pubhshed in 1817. The book gives anec- 
dotes and illustrations of slavery, and strongly advocates the in- 
struction of the slaves, and their preparation for freedom, which 
was " surely coming." ^ John Kenrick, originally a Baptist, later 
a Quaker, in a pamphlet entitled "The Horrors of Slavery," gave 
a recital of the dark side of slave life, with little suggestion of how 
to better it.^ 

At some period before 1831 Ebenezer Dole, of Hallo well, Maine, 
offered fifty dollars to the Pennsylvania Abolition Society for the 

1 A series of essays appearing in the Boston Recorder and Telegraph in 1825, repub- 
lished, with other essays, by Hieronymus, Philo, and A Carolinian, in Amherst, in 1826. 
The quotations are from pp. 8, 13, 16-19, 24, i^i 35- For the other essays see above, 
pp. 40, 41. 

2 A second edition was issued in 18 18. The order of the paragraphs was so changed 
in this edition that without close examination it seems very different from the first. It 
is, however, practically identical ■with it. 

3 For some account of Kenrick see Samuel R. Brown: "The Western Gazetteer," 
p. 92; "Journal of the Life and Religious Labors of John Comly," pp. 256, 257. 



Popular Sentiment 79 

best essay addressing Christians on the subject of slavery, being 
himself convinced of the sin of slaveholding. Evan Lewis wrote the 
successful essay, which was published by the Pennsylvania society 
in 1 83 1. It is a strong denunciation of slavery and recommenda- 
tion of the subject as one most suited to the labors of Christian 
ministers ; advises the exclusion of all . slaveholders from com- 
munion ; and speaks of various religious bodies which had already 
set the example of opposition to slavery/ 

There were two other publications during this period which 
were of value to the later anti-slavery advocates. Caleb Bingham's 
"Columbian Orator," in the edition of 1814, contained a dialogue 
between master and slave which was later used by Frederick Doug- 
lass with great effect? The second of these books is the collection 
of slave laws published in 1827 by George M. Stroud of Phila- 
delphia, a work distinctly anti-slavery in character, although the 
author had "never been a member of any abolition or anti-slavery 
society.^ 

Several plans for emancipation were proposed by Northern 
writers during the period between 1808 and 1831. Amos Stoddard, 
in 181 2, strongly recommended the passing of laws to free the post 
nati, though advising caution, owing to the long-standing habits 
of the slaveholders. Estwick Evans proposed the purchase of the 
slaves by the central government, and their emancipation when 
they had worked out their purchase money. Several are published 
in the "Genius" for 1821 ; one demanded something more speedy 
than had already been done, and recommended that Congress 
should prohibit the domestic slave trade after ten or twenty years ; 
another, quoted from the Philanthropist, proposed that a census 
be taken, and the proportion of blacks and whites made alike in 
all the states ; then he thought the slave states could be persuaded 
to abolish slavery, and give to the freedman education and the 
rights of citizenship.* 

1 Evan Lewis: "Address to Christians of all Denominations, etc." The date of 
writing is not exactly noted. 

2 The Columbian Orator, edition of 1814, p. 240. 

3 Nothinpr is known of Stroud, save what is found in the preface to his book, which is 
dated at Philadelphia. A second edition of the work, published in 1856, had a preface 
even more anti-slavery than that of the first. The text is not identical, the latter being 
more comprehensive. References in this work are given to both editions. 

4 Amos Stoddard: "Sketches of Louisiana," pp. 331-343; Estwick Evans: "A 
Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles," p. 214; The Genius of Universal Emanci- 
pation, I. 43; from a New York correspondent of the National Intelligencer. 



So Public Opinion in the North: 

As can be readily seen from the quotations given, there was 
little suggestion of immediate emancipation during this period, 
1808-1831; yet that remedy was not left entirely without advo- 
cates, and some at least of these were as strong in their language as 
the later writers. A correspondent of the "Genius" in 1829 be- 
heved in immediate emancipation, on the ground that if slavery 
was right anywhere for a day it would be right for a year or for- 
ever. He did not think there v/ould be danger from freeing the 
slaves, — but if he was wrong, and somebody must suffer, he 
wished it to be the whites, "for the blacks have suffered long 
enough." ^ In 1824 James Duncan published a distinct appeal 
for immediate emancipation, in Vevay, Indiana, under the title 
"Treatise on Slavery." The entire book might be summed up 
in one phrase : slavery is wrong from all standpoints. His method 
was to defme and narrate the history of slavery; and to set forth 
arguments on both sides, with a clear refutation of those favoring 
slavery. He declared slavery "a heinous sin"; "graduahsm" he 
denounced as a partaker of the same kind of "moral turpitude" as 
the ordinary unlimited slavery, though possibly in a less aggravated 
degree; and it had no advantage over life bondage, if the slave 
were to be held till he was twenty-five or twenty-eight years of age." 

The strongest and most uncompromising plea for immediate 
emancipation,^ during the period under discussion, was published 
in 18 1 6, by George Bourne, a native of England who resided for 
the most of his life in New York City. Bourne lived for seven 
years in Virginia, and obtained a distinct view of slavery as it 
actually existed. He was a learned and ardent controversialist and 
wrote many articles on Romanism and slavery. He was perse- 
cuted for his anti-slavery opinions, but persevered, and converted 
others to his belief. Can words by the immediate emancipationists 
of the new era be found which surpass in intensity these from the 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, lo. 41; a letter from a correspondent in 
Sadsbury, Penn., dated Oct. 1829. It expresses pleasure at the attitude taken on the sub- 
ject of slavery by the "Genius." 

2 "William Lloyd Garrison, 1808-1879," i- i44; James Duncan: "A Treatise on 
Slavery." The quotations are from pp. 25, 123. 

3 Appleton's Cyclopedia of Biography; Theodore D. Weld: "American Slavery As 
It Is," p. 52; George Bourne: "The Book and Slavery Irreconcileable." The quota- 
tions are from pp. 3, 4, 7, 18, 19, 26, 27, 28, 39, 53, 58, 89, 106, 120, 133, 134. The capi- 
tals and italics are as in the original. It is of interest to note in connection with his remark 
with reference to colonization that the book was written before the foundation of the 
American Colonization Society. 



Popular Sentiment 8i 

introduction to his book ? " Every man who holds Slaves and who 
pretends to be a Christian or a Republican, is either an incurable 
Idiot who cannot distinguish good from evil, or an obdurate sinner 
who resolutely defies every social, moral "and divine requisition." 
He denounces moderation, and declares that "their guilt against 
God and Man who hold Slaves in Columbia, is exactly equal 
with his criminality, who sails to Congo, and kidnaps a cargo of 
Negroes"; on the ground that the receiver is as bad as the thief. 
He especially denounces those who upheld slavery from the Bible, 
and on rehgious grounds, and maintains that " had this compound 
of all corruption no connection with the Church of Christ; how- 
ever deleterious are the effects of it in pohtical society, however 
necessary is its immediate and total abolition, and however preg- 
nant with danger to the Union is the prolongation of the system; 
to Legislators and Civilians, the redress of the evil would have 
been committed." Slaveholding Christians are compared with 
Balaam, Achan, Dehlah, Judas, and like characters. 

The second chapter declares that the Bible justifies the slave in 
escaping; and he denounces the fugitive slave laws. The trial of 
negroes is called "the highest burlesque upon the administration 
of justice, that despotism ever devised." Slavery is stigmatized as 
impious, cruel, false and unjust, "incompatible with the Gospel," 
"a flagrant violation of every law of God, nature and society." 
"Christianity will always abohsh slavery; no danger attaches to 
an immediate and universal emancipation ; and the only effectual 
mode to eradicate the evil is to destroy thieving by law.'' After 
the denunciation of the idea of compensation, and the mention of 
the fact that the laws in many states hinder emancipation, he 
says: "No human law must be obeyed when it contravenes the 
divine command; but slavery is the combination of all iniquity, 
and therefore every man is obligated not to participate in its cor- 
ruption." Can anything more subversive of law be found in the 
later writers? It certainly seems possible that Garrison learned 
something from this old writer, with whose work he was acquainted. 
Bourne continues: "The national difi^culty is not from emancipa- 
tion, but from servitude. ... A man in the Slave-states who claims 
no Negroes is despised; if he has kidnapped a score, he is a Gentle- 
man; but if he has stolen a hundred, he is a Nabob. Every plea 
and excuse in support of Slavery being invalid, originating in de- 
6 



82 Public Opinion in the North: Popular Sentiment 

pravity, sustained by corruption, and productive of all diversified 
ungodliness, no Christian can allege, or defend them, or practice 
the iniquity which they are formed to exculpate. . . , How shall we 
expel the evil? Colonization is totally impracticable. The enac- 
tion of a law to exclude Slave holders from every Public Office, 
would instantly destroy the pestilence which ravages the body 
pohtic: — all other regulations . are futile." These are but a few 
selections from this book; many others equally strong might be 
cited. The whole is a vehement arraignment of slavery and the 
slaveholders, and on the whole the strongest extant anti-slavery 
writing during the period. 



CHAPTER VIII 

PUBLIC OPINION IN THE NORTH: NEWSPAPERS, RESOLU- 
TIONS, LEGISLATION. THE COLORED CITIZEN 

While no newspaper at the North was devoted to the interests 
of abolition as was "The Genius of Universal Emancipation" at 
the South, and while few philanthropic papers had as even one 
chief aim among others the freedom of the slave, some editors can 
still be found who expressed in their published work a certain 
amount of repugnance to slavery. An instance is an editorial in 
"The Village Record " of West Chester, Pennsylvania, about 1821, 
which said: "Whilst slavery exists in this land, it is the solemn 
duty of every good man constantly and steadily to press for its 
abolition." ^ 

The first periodical published at the North which had any dis- 
tinct purpose to discuss slavery was "The Philanthropist," founded 
by Charles Osborn in 1817, and already discussed; the strongest 
words against slavery in the first two volumes are selections from \y>^ 
other papers, and communications from St. Clairsville, in all prob- 
abihty from the pen of Lundy.- Other papers were "The African 
Observer," of which no account has been found, save the pro- 
posals for its monthly pubhcation in Philadelphia, by Enoch Lewis, 
and the statement in 1827 that it had "been for some time pub- 
lished" there ;^ and "Freedom's Journal," a weekly newspaper 
edited in New York by a colored man, John B. Russwurm.* 

' The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 20. Several quotations from this paper 
appear in the various volumes of the "Genius." Other papers of the same kind were 
"The Boston Recorder," which is referred to by Leonard W. Bacon as anti-slavery in 
1828; "The Boston Recorder and Telegraph," very likely the same paper as that men- 
tioned by Mr. Bacon, which published the series of essays by Vigornius and others 
in 1825 (see above, pp. 40, 41, 78) ; and "The Journal of the Times," of Bennington, 
Vt., while under the editorship of W. L. Garrison (see above, p. 67). 

2 See above, p. 60. Lundy certainly wrote for this paper, from St. Clairsville, and 
it is likely that all the communications from that place were from him. In a single in- 
stance strong words are used in an unsigned article, which may have been an editorial, 
but hardly reads like one. See the Philanthropist, i. i. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 152 (the number 152 is repeated, this 
reference is to the second page of that number) ; Minutes of the American Convention 
for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 1827, p. 13. 

< Ihid. ; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 152 (the first page of that number) ; 
see below, p. 93. Copies of this paper are still e.xtant. 

83 



84 Public Opinion in the North: 

" The New England Weekly Review " ^ was apparently founded 
in 1828, as Lundy says of it in that year: "We think it will con- 
tribute much towards the acceleration of principles favorable to the 
total abolition of slavery." He quotes from it as follows: "All are 
aware that the slavery which exist[s] in these states is a deadly and 
cancerous sore upon the vitals of the Commonwealth — that it must 
be eradicated — or the nation dies!" The cjuestion of the antag- 
onism of the North and the South is often taken up in this paper. 
In the number for February 8, 1830, an editorial by Prentice abuses 
the South for its abuse of New England. "The curse of slavery is 
upon our Southern States — it is a loathsome deformity upon their 
bodies — and like all other deformed objects, they revile in their 
hearts those who are more comely than themselves," The writer 
feels that New England should no longer tamely stand the abuse 
of the South, even though retaliation should bring on a civil war, 
— which, however, he thought would be easily and speedily closed 
by the liberation of the slaves. A paper in the South accused him 
of advocating civil war, but he denied this, only maintaining that 
war would be better than constant tame submission to ill-treatment. 
In the number for June 7, 1830, these words are found, doubtless 
also from the pen of Prentice: "Let them [the South] set them- 
selves seriously to work to get rid of their slaves, and they will do 
themselves more good than would be effected by the abrogation 
of fifty tariffs." In the number for July 26 these words are quoted 
as the cause of fresh outbursts which had come from the South, 
and the editor, now John G. Whittier, spoke in still stronger terms 
against the system. After saying that the previous article had 
aroused indignation "because it was true," and that the North 
was accused of denouncing the principles of slavery, it continues : 
"We do denounce the principles of slavery, God forbid that any 
Christian — any patriot — any .friend of liberty and equal rights 
should fail to do so. There is no monster of inconsistency like 
him who boasts of his republicanism and his love of liberty, and 
in the same breath defends in the abstract the accursed system of 
slavery. . . . We believe that a large proportion of the inhabitants 
of the South are truly and fearfully sensible of the criminality of 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 182. Numbers of the paper from De- 
cember 14, 1829, to March 12, 1832, have been found. The editor was at first George 
D. Prentice; from July, 1830, to January, 1832, the paper was edited by John G. Whittier. 
After that date no editor is named. 



Newspapers, Resolutions, Legislation 85 

the principle, and tremble for the consequences of it — even as 
did the illustrious Jefferson when contemplating the same appall- 
ing subject. These have our sympathy. We lament this evil 
which has been entailed upon them, and would gladly cooperate 
with them in the great cause of Emancipation." Other articles 
advocate the American Colonization Society and speak of the 
excitement caused at the South by the circulation of Walker's 
" Appeal." 

"The Investigator," pubhshed in 1827-1828, in Providence, 
Rhode Island, by William Goodell, was devoted to moral and 
political discussion and reformation in general, including temper- 
ance and anti-slavery. In January, 1829, it was merged into "The 
National Philanthropist"; in July, 1830, moved to New York, 
and published as "The Genius of Temperance"; and was entirely 
discontinued in 1833. At the time when Garrison first issued "The 
Liberator," in January, 1831, there was no other paper in the 
North devoted in even a slight degree to the abolition of slavery. 

A more definite measure of anti-slavery sentiment than any 
words spoken or written by individuals is found in the public action 
of the citizens of the states by meetings or resolutions denouncing 
slavery. The first attempt to enforce the fugitive slave law in 
Boston resulted in failure. The slave was rescued by force in the 
midst of the trial, and escaped without waiting for further legal 
proceedings. An attempt at prosecution for failure to enforce the 
act was disregarded, and the fugitive slave law was practically 
void in Massachusetts until the later period.^ An abolition so- 
ciety existed in Williams College which reported itself to the 
American Convention in 1826 as "anxious that this foul stain 
shall be wiped from the annals of our country and that the judg- 
ments of Heaven . . . may be averted," ^ 

In 1819 there was a rumor that some citizens of Ohio wished to 
amend the constitution of that state to allow slavery, and several 
gentlemen "of the first respectability" wrote to Niles' Register 
denying the implication, and representing it as a "calumny raised 
to prevent necessary reform." ^ An interesting commentary on the 
attitude of Ohio in 1822 is the fact that William Henry Harrison, 

1 Marion G. McDougall : "Fugitive Slaves (1619-1865)," § 34. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abohtion of Slavery, for 
1826, p. 19. 

3 Niles' Weekly Register, 16. 347. 



86 Public Opinion in the North: 

in a campaign speech in the Ohio Congressional election, thought 
it wise to dwell upon and even exaggerate his anti-slavery senti- 
ments.^ A number of citizens of Ohio petitioned the General 
Assembly in the latter part of 1822 against the negro code in force 
in that state. After declaring slavery to be a "flagrant violation of 
Christianity," etc., they ask for a repeal of the act forbidding the 
witness of blacks against whites. A bill in answer to this was pre- 
sented in the next session, but was rejected in the House of Repre- 
sentatives by a vote of 36 to 31.^ 

Perhaps the earliest evidence of a movement to build up an 
anti-slavery political party was an attempt in Philadelphia, in 1820, 
to get up what its projectors called an "anti-slavery" ticket for 
electors of President and Vice-President of the United States.^ 
"Almost every man in Pennsylvania is opposed to negro slavery," 
said Niles. With but one or two exceptions every Senator and 
Representative to the national Congress from Pennsylvania sup- 
ported restriction in the new state of Missouri.* Judge Hemphill, 
Congressman from Philadelphia, failed to support his colleague, 
Miner, in his resolution for abolition in the District of Columbia, 
in 1826-1827, and Lundy finds in this the reason for his defeat 
in the Congressional election of 1827.^ In 182 1 the Legislature of 
Maryland complained to Congress that the people of Pennsylvania 
prevented the recovery of fugitive slaves. They maintained that it 
was the "duty" of Congress to enact a law which would prevent 
this. The trouble did not cease, for the Maryland Legislature sent 
in 1823 a message in much the same terms directly to the Legisla- 
ture of Pennsylvania. A counter-memorial insisted that no law 
was broken, that lawful claimants could obtain their slaves by 
legal means, but that if they tried force they justly failed.^ 

The literary society of Princeton College held many debates on 
slavery during the years 1 808-1810. Professor McLean was an 
outspoken friend of abolition, and some of the leaders of the later 
free-soil movement resided in Princeton,' 



1 Jacob p. Dunn : "Indiana: A Redemption from Slavery," p. 311. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 2. 93, in. 

3 Niles' Weekly Register, 19. 129. 

* Edward Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," p. 69. 

5 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 7. 149. 

6 American State Papers, Miscellaneous, Vol. 2, No. 506, p. 752; Needles: "His- 
tory of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," pp. 73-76. 

7 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 27, 28. 



Newspapers, Resolutions, Legislation 87 

The larger number of meetings, memorials and petitions in the 
North during these years were directed against the extension of 
slavery into Missouri. The Boston committee of 18 19 to prepare 
a memorial on the subject included Daniel Webster, George Blake, 
Josiah Quincy, James T. Austin and John Gallison; and they 
used the signiikant phrase: "If the progress of this great evil is 
ever to be arrested, it seems to the undersigned that this is the 
time to arrest it." ' The interested people of Newport, Rhode 
Island, in a meeting at the State House in 18 19, on the call of a 
circular letter from New York, drew up a memorial which de- 
clared slavery to be " inconsistent with the genius of our repubhcan 
institutions," and productive of "fatal effects on the principles and 
morals of men." They further pointed out that the slave trade 
could not be practically stopped if slavery were extended." A me- 
morial from Hartford, Connecticut, at about the same time, pro- 
nounced slavery an evil and repugnant to republicans.^ In a New 
York meeting slavery per se was denounced, and an "Address to 
the American People" was framed and adopted.* A mass meeting 
at the State House at Trenton, New Jersey, also passed resolu- 
tions of the same tenor. ^ A meeting of citizens of Chester County, 
Pennsylvania, on November 27, 1819, adopted resolutions stating 
the impolicy and the injustice of the admission of Missouri as a 
slave state, and a circular was prepared to be sent to all the mem- 
bers of Congress from Pennsylvania.® 

A petition was presented to the United States Senate in January, 
1830, by citizens of Maine, praying for abolition in the District of 
Columbia.' This is the sole petition from the North recorded on 
any other topic than restriction in Missouri. 

It is interesting as well as important in this connection to look 
carefully at the legislative action of the various Northern states 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 241; also a pamphlet copy of the memorial. 

2 American State Papers, Miscellaneous, Vol. 2, No. 479, p. 568. This was read in 
the Senate in January, 1820. See Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 2452. 

3 Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 2457; American State Papers, 
Misc., Vol. II, No. 481, p. 472. 

4 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 199; Isaac Holmes: "An Account of the United States 
of America," p. 325. This may have been the "circular letter" referred to at Newport. 

5 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 1S9. The text is given. 

6 William Darlington: "Desultory Remarks on the Missouri Question," p. 4. 
Memorials against slavery in Missouri were also sent to Congress by citizens of Ohio 
(Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 361), New Haven, Conn. {Ihid. 69), 
and Philadelphia {Ibid. 737; Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 241). 

'^ The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 142. 



88 Public Opinion in the North: 

on the subject of slavery during the years 1808-183 1. The 
question of slavery in Illinois will be more fully treated in a suc- 
ceeding chapter, but a brief resume is not out of place here. In 
181 2 the Legislature of Illinois Territory passed a law forbidding 
the immigration of free negroes, and enjoining the registration of 
those already there, under severe penalties; ^ and in 1814 the same 
Legislature passed a law allowing the hire of slaves from outside of 
the Territory, such hire not to affect the title of the owner to the 
slave. ^ Slavery had existed in Illinois under the French, and the 
slaves thus held were not adjudged free by the later regulations of 
the constitution.^ The constitution of 1818 declared that "neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitude shall hereafter be introduced into 
this state." There was considerable discussion at the time of the 
admission of the state to the Union as to whether this constitution 
did in reality prohibit slavery with a sufficient amount of explicit- 
ness to entitle Illinois to be counted among the free states. Tall- 
madge of New York decidedly opposed its admission, on the ground 
that slavery was allowed.* There is still a question whether the 
framers of the constitution wished a distinct prohibition of the in- 
stitution, as they manifestly considered the negro not entitled to 
all the privileges of the whites. There w^re some regulations which 
seemed to favor the blacks : slaves holden in other states could not 
be hired by citizens of Illinois, except to work in the salt mines near 
Shawneetown, nor for longer than one year, nor after the year 1825 ; 
and the abuse of forced apprenticeship was regulated by the condi- 
tion that indentures could not be made out of the state, nor for more 
than one year ; while children of indentured servants were to be free 
at majority. Yet the existence of the indenture system was in itself 
a menace to the negro because it easily might lead to a real slav- 
ery; the practice of hiring slaves under certain conditions did in 
a measure recognize slavery; and the colored man was excluded 
from the franchise and the militia.^ The doubtful position of 
Illinois on the question seems to have continued after its admission 
to the Union, for about 1819 a law was passed providing that all 
negroes found in that state without certificates should be consid- 
ered runaways, subject to be arrested, hired out, and advertised. 

1 Burke A. Hinsdale: "The Old Northwest," p. 354. 

^ Ibid. 3 7/,;^ p 25S. < Ibid. p. 359. 

5 John C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 132, 133. 



Newspapers, Resolutions, Legislation 89 

If they were not claimed within a year, they were then to receive 
a certificate. This law was still in force in 1829.' 

The Territory of Indiana went still further in installing slavery. 
From 1807 to 18 10 it had an indenture law in force which all 
but estabhshed the institution there.' The constitution adopted 
in 181 6 definitely prohibited slavery and nullified indentures made 
out of the state. The bill of rights also declared all men free and 
equal, though the franchise was in set terms limited' to the whites.^ 
In 1816 a law was passed to prevent mansteahng; * in 1824 a law 
regulating the question of fugitive slaves gave to both parties the 
right of appeal, and decreed that in case of appeal the trial should 
be before a jury.^ 

New Jersey passed a gradual emancipation act in 1804, and in 
1818 the Legislature prohibited under heavy penalties "the expor- 
tation of slaves or servants of color out of the state." In 1820 a 
further emancipation JlI was passed, but slavery was not even 
nominally abolished till 1846, and even as late as i860 a few slaves 
still remained in the state." 

In 1808 the Legislature of New York increased the penalty for 
kidnapping by making the second offence punishable with life im- 
prisonment, and by more efficient legislation against slave dealers. 
The New York i\bolition Society, in December, 1808, expressed 
satisfaction at the promptitude with which the state Legislature 
had at all times enacted laws at their instance for the relief of the 
blacks.^ In 1809 manumission was further facihtated; in 1810 
the law of 1801 was strengthened by prohibiting the importation 
of slaves by residents of New York, nine months being accounted 
a residence ; indentures for the service of a person before held as a 
slave in another state were to be invalid, and the slave who was to 
become free at twenty-one must be taught to read.^ In 1814 the 
Legislature authorized the raising of two regiments of colored 

1 John C. Hurd : "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 134, 135. 

2 B. A. Hinsdale: "The Old Northwest," p. 353. 

3 J. C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 127; Niles' Weekly Regis- 
ter, 13. 86, Sg-91. 

■* T- C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 127. 

^ This law was declared unconstitutional in 1849. Hurd: "Law of Freedom and 
Bondage," 2. 129. 

^ William Goodell : "Slavery and Anti-Slavery," p. 115; Niles' Weekly Register, 

IS- 194- 

^ Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 
i8og, p. g. 

8 J. C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 54. 



90 Public Opinion in the North: 

soldiers, the commissioned officers to be white, with the provision 
that slaves might with the consent of their masters be enlisted and 
when discharged should be considered manumitted/ In 1817 a 
complete abolition act was passed in New York, setting forth that 
on July 4, 1827, "every negro, mulatto, or mustee within this 
state, born before the fourth day of July, 1799, be free," and 
"all negroes, mulattoes, and mustees born after July 4th, 1799, 
shall be free, — males at the age of 28 years and females at the 
age of 25 years." On July 4, 1827, ten thousand slaves were thus 
freed, without compensation to their former owners." Since this 
act only applied to slaves born in the state of New York, an addi- 
tional act was passed in 1828, applicable to slaves born elsewhere. 
Those coming to reside in the state were allowed to bring with 
them slaves born between July 4, 1796, and July 4, 1827, and 
to hold them to service till the ages of 25 and 27, if brought 
between March 31, 181 7 and the passage of the act, and till 21 
years, if brought after its passage. The same law declared every 
person, white or colored, born in the state of New York, to be 
free, and all thereafter born, and every person brought into the 
state as a slave, except the express cases previously authorized, 
were to be immediately freed. ^ 

In Pennsylvania, in 1826 or 1827, the Legislature decreed that 
all sales of fugitive slaves who at the time of sale were in Penn- 
sylvania should be void, and all attempts to remove such slaves 
should be punishable by a fine of $500.* 

Besides the statutes which expressed a growing antipathy to 
slavery, many anti-slavery resolutions were passed by the Legis- 
latures of the Northern states, especially New York and Penn- 
sylvania. They concerned principally slavery extension in Mis- 
souri, and abolition in the District of Columbia.* One, in New 

' J. C. Hurd: " The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 54. 

2 Ibid. 2. 55 ; Niles' Weekly Register, 12. 144; Goodell : "Slavery and Anti-Slavery," 
p. 114. 

2 This was inserted in the same form in the revised statutes of 1830. J. C. Hurd: 
"The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 57; Revised Statutes of New York, 1830, 
pp. 4-7- 

* J. C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 72. 

^ Those against further extension of slavery were adopted by Pennsylvania in De- 
cember, iSig (Darlington: "Desultory Remarks on the Missouri Question," p. 5; 
"Liberty," p. 69; Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 2S7, 296; Annals of Congress, i6th Con- 
gress, ist Session, 70); by New Jersey (Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 342; Annals of 
Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 234), New York (Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 399; 
Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 311; "Liberty," p. 42), and Ohio (Niles' 



The Colored Citizen 91 

Jersey, adopted in 1818, asked Congress to use its endeavors to 
prohibit the transportation of slaves contrary to the laws of any 
state concerned.^ There were also a few resolutions favoring 
gradual emancipation, adopted by New Jersey ^ in 1824, by 
Ohio ^ in the same year, and by Pennsylvania * in 1826. These all 
declare that slavery being a national evil should be removed by 
the nation, and that all the states, free and slave alike, should 
share in the duty and burden of its removal. 

Up to this point we have considered practically only the white 
citizens of the United States, who showed in some public manner 
their opposition to slavery. Even among the free states there were 
some which denied the franchise to the colored man. In the South 
the lack of education for either free or slave kept the colored man 
impotent, and fear of the whites had a still greater effect; hence 
no definite account has been found of any real anti-slavery work 
by the colored people there, save assistance to fugitives and com- 
fort and sympathy to the abused, when it was possible. Nomi- 
nally the negro at the North was free to express his opinions and 
to labor in behalf of his race, so far as it was allowed to any class of 
persons. Yet their participation was small, considering their 
number; how small we can only understand when we remember 
how low was the position actually held by the blacks, even at the 
North. Few w^ere educated suihciently to write or speak publicly 
in behalf of their people ; fewer still had the money or social posi- 
tion to put their sayings or writings into a form preserved to our 
day. Under the circumstances the fact that we have any record 
of such negroes is almost wonderful. 

Weekly Register, 17. 399) in 1820. In November, 1820, after the pcossage of the Mis- 
souri Compromise, resolutions asking for prohibition of slavery in new states were 
passed by the Legislatures of New York (Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, 2nd Ses- 
sion, 23), and Vermont {Ibid. 78). 

Resolutions against slavery in the District of Columbia were adopted by Pennsyl- 
vania in 1S28 (William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 411; Register 
of Debates, 5. 180; Niles' Weekly Register, 35. 363), and 1829 ("Liberty," p. 69; Min- 
utes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abohtion of Slavery, for 1829, p. 
24); and by New York in 1829 (Niles' Weekly Register, 35. 433; Birney: "James G. 
Birney," p. 412). One had been previously offered in Ne York in 1827 (The Genius 
of Universal Emancipation, 5. 152), but there is no record of its passage. 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 19. 195. 

2 Eighth Report of the American Colonization Society, p. 40. 

3 Ibid. p. 41; Brutus: "The Crisis," p. 137; Annals of Congress, i8th Congress, 
ist Session, 1428; T. C. Smith, "The Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the Northwest," 
p. 6. 

4 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 15 (monthly edition), and 5. 165, 202 
(weekly edition); Birney: " James G. Birney," p. 411 A resolution asking for a definite 
law freeing the post nnti on condition of colonization was rejected in the Pennsylvania 
Legislature in 1826 (The Genius, 5. 179). 



g2 Public Opinion in the North: 

A general account of the condition and treatment of the colored 
race at the North has already been given, and of the degradation 
and contempt to which they were subjected. There were a few, 
however, who were educated and prosperous, and whose reputa- 
tion has descended to our day. One of the best known of these 
was James Forten, of Philadelphia. He was spoken of in 1823 as 
a sailmaker of good education and as prosperous in his business; 
he owned a country residence, and kept a carriage. His children 
compared favorably with whites in capacity and acquirement. 
In 18 13 he made an appeal to the Senate of Pennsylvania against 
slavery, claimed an equahty with the whites, and spoke of the 
"unalienable rights" of the blacks.' Russell Parrott, another 
colored Pennsylvanian, made an address at the celebration of the 
abolition of the slave trade, on January i, 1816, in which he ex- 
pressed the sympathy of the free blacks for their brethren in slav- 
ery. He claimed that the inferiority of the x^frican was the result 
of his condition, and that in him were all the materials for the 
making of a good and useful citizen.^ 

Samuel Cornish, a colored man living probably in New York, 
in 1826 wrote a remonstrance against the abuse of the blacks, which 
was printed in some of the local papers. He contended that the 
conduct of the lower class of the whites in New York was worse 
than that of the blacks ; that there were plenty of colored men of 
education and relinement, and of independent means, who deplored 
the acts of the mass. The evils of negro behavior were laid to 
emancipation, but in truth they were the result of slavery. Cor- 
nish himself possessed some education, his father was a man 
of high respectability, and his wife was well educated and 
cultivated.^ 

Other names of prominent negroes are mentioned in the report 
of the convention of colored men in 1832. The first convention, 
held in 1830, was called by a circular issued by Rev. Richard 
Allen, Cyrus Black, Junius C. Morel, Benjamin Pascal, and James 
E. Cornish, in behalf of the colored citizens of Philadelphia: 
Nearly all mentioned in this report had been residents of Penn- 
sylvania, where it is probable that the colored man was in a better 

1 James Forten : "Letters from a Man of Color on a Late Bill, etc.," pp. r-8. 
- The address exists in pamphlet form, as published at the request of the African 
Benevolent Societies before whom it was delivered. 
3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 92. 



The Colored Citizen 93 

situation than farther North. This convention was held for the 
purpose of arranging some plan of operation by which the more 
prosperous of the race could aid the colony in Canada, which was 
suffering great distress. Nearly all had gone there from Ohio, 
after the enforcement of the expulsory laws ; and their number was 
increased from time to time by fugitive slaves from the States. For 
a considerable number of years they received assistance from the 
United States, presumably from their own race. Conventions for 
the purpose were Ji^ld in at least three successive years: 1830, 
1831, and 1832.^ 

A negro of considerable note was John B. Russwurm, a native 
of Jamaica, who was graduated in 1825 from Bowdoin College. 
He is later mentioned as the editor of "Freedom's Journal," in 
New York, and still later became Governor of Maryland in Liberia.^ 

But the most widely known colored man of this period, and the 
only one whose writings made any stir at the South, was David 
Walker, a resident of Boston. He was born in North Carolina, in 
1785, of a free mother and slave father, and was therefore free. 
He was intelligent and had a moderate education; he traveled 
widely over the United States, and in 1827 opened a second-hand 
clothing store on Brattle Street, in Boston. He felt very strongly 
on the subject of slavery, and in 1827 began to make preparations 
for a slave insurrection, addressing audiences of colored men in 
Boston and other places in 1828. In September, 1829, he pub- 
lished his "Appeal," which ran through three editions in less than 
twelve months, and was widely distributed throughout the United 
States, even at the South, and among the slaves. The projected 
insurrection never took place; some think because of the death 
of Walker in 1830. Some authors, especially the more popular 
ones writing just before the Civil War, speak of his death as caused 
by foul play, but there is no ground for this opinion save an un- 
authenticated rumor which spread somewhat among the colored 
people, but was refuted by those who knew most about the facts 
of the case.^ 

1 Minutes of the Second Annual Convention of Free Colored People in the United 
States, 1832, p. 16. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 
1827, p. 13; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 22i< where an extract from his 
Commencement Oration is given. See also the Catalogue of Bowdoin Alumni. 

■> "William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879," i. 159, note; Samuel J. May: "Some 
Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict," p. 133. 



94 Public Opinion in the North: 

Walker's "Appeal" is a most bloodthirsty document. It divides 
human, or rather "black, wretchedness" into four heads: i. 
" Our wretchedness in consequence of slavery" ; 2, " Our wretch- 
edness in consequence of ignorance"; 3. "Our wretchedness 
in consequence of the preachers of the religion of Jesus 
Christ"; 4. "Our wretchedness in consequence of the colonizing 
plan." It appeals to the free colored men throughout the nation 
to make the cause of the slave their own. The third edition, 
published in March, 1830, in a form even more sanguinary, 
openly advocated a slave insurrection. No wonder that before 
the printing of the second edition it caused great consternation at 
the South. The Mayor of Savannah wrote to Mayor Otis of 
Boston, demanding the punishment of the man. Mayor Otis, in 
a widely published letter,^ expressed his unqualified disapproval 
of the pamphlet, but stated that the man had not yet become 
"amenable" to the laws. He felt that while this was true a 
public notice of the book would do more harm than good. Great 
excitement prevailed in Virginia,^ especially in the Legislature, 
which considered the passage of an "extraordinary bill," not only 
prohibiting the circulation of such seditious papers, but forbid- 
ding the education of even free negroes, calling any assemblage 
for the purpose of education "unlawful." This bill was the 
direct result of a message of Governor Giles, who enclosed a copy 
of a letter received from Mayor Otis. The House of Delegates 
•passed the measure, 81 to 80; but it was rejected in the Senate, 
II to 7. Some copies of the "Appeal" found their way to Louisi- 
ana,^ where the popular excitement already roused by the dis- 
covery of a supposed plot was made still greater. A very severe 
law was immediately passed, expelling all free negroes who had 
arrived in the state since 1825. 

This publication was made the pretext for a large number of 
attacks upon the abolitionists, and later perhaps upon Garrison. 
Few abolitionists, however, approved of it ; Garrison certainly did 
not.* The general attitude of the people was that stated by 
Mayor Otis, in his letter to the Governor of Virginia already re- 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 38. 87. 

2 The Abolitionist Montlily, i. 98; George W. Williams: "History of the Negro 
Race in America," 2. 553. 

3 Niles' Weekly Register, 38. 157. 

■* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 147. 



The Colored Citizen 



95 



ferred to : "You may be assured that your good people cannot hold 
in more absolute detestation the sentiments of the writer [of the 
"Appeal"] than do all the people of this city, and as I verily be- 
lieve, the mass of the New England population. ... I have 
reason to believe that the book is disapproved of by the decent 
portion even of the free colored population in this place." Lundy, 
too, found the people of New England hard to move when he made 
his visit there in 1827, and while many individuals were opposed 
to slavery there was little organized effort until the beginning of 
the new anti-slavery era, with Garrison and the "Liberator." 



CHAPTER IX 
THE ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCHES 

On a question involving so many moral issues, appealing so di- 
rectly to the fundamental principles of Christianity, it seems natural 
to expect from the churches and their spiritual guides an interest 
and an influence in anti-slavery measures. As a whole, however, 
they showed great indifference towards the matter. Indeed, in 
many cases it was worse than indifference; clergymen presented 
reasoned apologies for the system, they carefully prepared argu- 
ments in its behalf, they even actively participated in its horrors. 
Because of these undeniable facts, the entire clergy and all the reli- 
gious societies are often accused of, at best, a weak yielding to the 
greater power of the slaveholder, and an upholding or a sharing 
of his deeds for the sake of self-protection. 

Whatever the ground for blame against the clergymen of the 
United States during this period, it is not true that decided efforts 
to check the evils of slavery or to prohibit it utterly were entirely 
wanting either among them or among the churches to whom they 
ministered. The action of a good number of Southern ministers 
in leaving their homes for new ones in the free state of Ohio, and 
their labors in behalf of abolition, have already been spoken of. 
Some of these so influenced their Southern churches that they emi- 
grated to free states either as individuals or as a body.^ 

The attitude of a comparatively small number of clergymen 
and of a few local churches cannot be taken as proofs of the atti- 
tude of the religious bodies to which they belong. It is therefore 
important to seek clear proof both of anti-slavery sentiment 
among larger religious bodies, and of their distinct expression of 
this sentiment. David Thomas, a resident of New York, stated, 
in a book published in 1819, that whole religious societies had re- 
linquished the practice of slavery. "The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation," in an editorial written in 1827, said that though 

1 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 170. See above, pp. 17, 
iS, 58-62. 

96 



The Attitude of the Churches 97 

the Methodists and Friends were the most active in this direction, 
there were many Presbyterians, Baptists, and other denomina- 
tions interested/ Evan Lewis, in a paper printed in 183 1 but 
written earher, spoke of the Society of Friends in Pennsylvania, 
and of the Baptists in the West, as taking up the question of 
slavery as a religious duty, and said of the Presbyterians in the 
West: "Their resolution appears to be formed never to cease their 
efforts until their society is purged from the sin of slavery." 

The Methodists had a well equipped system of state conferences 
which had power to lay down rules of discipline for the churches, 
and many of their leaders were anti-slavery men. Bishop Asbury 
stated in his Journal that in North Carohna the masters were 
afraid of the influence of the Methodists over the blacks. Candler 
recalled a casual conversation in Virginia, about 1824, with a farmer 
who was sure that the traveler was a "Methodist parson" because 
he professed to think labor not degrading to the whites.^ 

More definite and convincing are the votes of the organized 
bodies. In 181 2 the General Conference of the Methodist Church, 
meeting in New York, adopted a resolution providing that no 
slaveholder should be eligible to the office of local elder in any state 
or territory in which he could legally manumit his slaves.^ In 1824 
a clause was added stating that if a traveling preacher should in 
any way become the owner of slaves, he must "forfeit his minis- 
terial character . . . unless he execute if it be practicable, a legal 
emancipation of such slaves, conformably to the laws of the state 
in which he hves."* The Quarterly Conference of the Cambridge 
Circuit, Maryland, adopted in 1826 unanimous resolutions which 
denounced slavery and pointed out the inconsistency of allowing 
the lay-members of the churches to hold slaves while the officials 
were forbidden to do so. They also declared their intention to use 
aU possible efforts to obtain from the General Conference a rule 
forbidding the admission to church membership of a slaveholder 
who would not manumit his slaves, where the law allowed.^ Even 

1 David Thomas: "Travels through the Western Country," p. So; The Genius of 
Universal Emancipation, 6. 174. 

- Isaac Candler: "A Summary View of America," p. 253; "The Journal of the 
Rev. Francis Asbury," 3. 258. 

3 "The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury," 3. 326; N. Bangs: "A History of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church," 2. 316. 

* Bangs- "History of the Methodist Episcopal Church," 3. 274. 

s The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 252. 
7 



98 The Attitude of the Churches 

in the cotton states the Methodists had something of this feeling, 
for in 1825 the Bishop of Georgia told a traveler that the Metho- 
dists in the state were considering the advisabihty of making a rule 
requiring all of their members to free their slaves.^ Unfortunately 
the Methodist Church of the South eventually felt itself bound to 
protect and defend slavery, even to the point of complete separa- 
tion from its denominational brethren in the North. 

The Presbyterian Church was well quahfied to influence public 
opinion through its annual General Assembly, the most powerful 
ecclesiastical body in America ; and among its leading men were 
some prominent opponents of slavery. Comparatively few of the 
churches were in the slave states; hence, perhaps, the somewhat 
more decided though spasmodic action. In answer to a petition 
in 181 5 the General Assembly reported that they were not strong 
enough as a body for decided action on the subject of slavery, but 
a resolution was passed regretting the continuance of the institu- 
tion and recommending the education of slaves as a preparation 
for future emancipation. ^ In 1816 they went backward,^ by erasing 
some strong words against manstealing adopted in 1795. In 1818 
the anti-slavery element obtained a larger influence. By a unani- 
mous vote they declared slavery " a gross violation of the most 
precious and sacred rights of human nature ; as utterly inconsist- 
ent with the law of God . . . and as totally irreconcileable with 
the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ," the Golden Rule. 
They expressed their sympathy with those in the slave states who 
were doing all they legally could for their slaves, recommended 
patronage of the Colonization Society, education of slaves, the dis- 
countenancing of all cruelty, and the suspension of any church 
member who should sell a Christian slave. They still admitted 
slaveholders to church office, however."* In 1823 or 1824 unsuc- 
cessful resolutions were introduced to exclude slaveholders from 
the ministry, and to deny the communion to slave traders. "The 
very making of them was a good symptom," although they were 
both negatived.^ 

1 Stephen Grellet; see S. B. Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 219. 

2 George Bourne: "Picture of Slavery in the United States of America," p. 184; 
"Liberty," p. 77; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 36. 

3 Bourne: "Picture of Slavery," pp. 187, 188. 

4 Niles' Weekly Register, 16, Supplement, p. 153; Samuel J- May: "Some Recol- 
lections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict," p. 11; John D. Paxton": "Letters on Slavery," 
PP- 2, 3; "Liberty," p. 78. 5 Candler: "A Summary View of America," p. 323. 



The Attitude of the Churches on 

The action of the individual synods and presbyteries was much 
more distinctly anti-slavery than that of the General Assembly. 
The Synod of Kentucky recommended the American Coloniza- 
tion Society in 1823, and in 1830 enjoined the churches to raise 
money for Liberia. In 1825 it directed the ministers to pay more 
attention to the rehgious education of the slaves, and in 1826 there 
were fifteen schools for colored children reported within its hmits.^ 
In 1828 the Synod of Indiana sent a memorial to the General As- 
sembly, emphasizing the immorahty of slaveholding. They quoted 
the language of the General Assembly in 1815 and 1818, and con- 
cluded that the toleration of slavery there found was only intended 
to make more sure the preparation of the slave for freedom. They 
entreat that measures be now taken for speedy (though gradual) 
emancipation.^ 

The Associate Synod adopted in 181 1 at Cannonsburg, Penn- 
sylvania, these resolutions: i. To hold negroes is a moral evil. 
2. All slaveholding members must emancipate their slaves unless 
prohibited by civil law ; in which case they should treat them well 
and pay them wages. 3. Those refusing to follow the preceding 
rule cannot be admitted or retained in fellowship. 4. Members 
may buy negroes for the purpose of emancipation, and hold them 
as slaves until they have paid for themselves, provided the negroes 
consent. In 1821 it was noticed by the Synod that the resolutions 
of 181 1 had been neglected, and new resolutions were passed. 
I. All members of the Synod holding slaves on April i, 1822, 
shall be considered as suspended from office. 2. All Elders hold- 
ing slaves on April i, 1823, shall be considered unworthy of mem- 
bership. 3. If any one sells a slave~trr-the meantime he shall not 
be readmitted to membership without special treatment of his case. 
This action in Pennsylvania is more radical than in any other state 
except among the Presbyterians of southern Ohio, whose attitude 
against slavery has already been treated in an earlier chapter.^ 

In 1826 the Synod of Ohio, in a session at Columbus, held a 
discussion on the question "Is the holding of slaves mansteahng?" 
and a large majority decided in the affirmative.^ In 1827 the same 

1 Robert Davidson : "History of the Presbyterian Church in the State of Kentucky," 
p. 338; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 102. 
^ The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 36. 
3 Ibid. I. 9, 10; see above, pp. 58-61. 
* Ibid. 6. 62; National Philanthropist, Dec. 2, 1826. 



loo The Attitude of the Churches 

Synod considered whether slaveholding was a sufficiently great sin 
to exclude a man from the communion. No advocate or justifier 
of slavery appeared in the meeting, and a resolution was passed 
declaring that slavery could "no longer be tolerated within the juris- 
diction of this Synod." The only reason given against such action 
was the fear of offending some slaveholder, — a reason deemed 
utterly insufficient.^ 

The Union Presbytery of East Tennessee " opposed slavery not 
in word only but also in deed." They purchased and set free two 
colored men with their families, both of whom became "useful 
and acceptable" preachers to both whites and blacks.^ The 
Chillicothe Presbytery, to which belonged nearly all the strong 
group of anti-slavery men in southern Ohio, was of course very 
decided on this question. In September, 1829, they passed unani- 
mously a resolution "that buying or selling or holding a slave for 
the sake of gain, is a heinous sin and scandal, and requires the 
cognizance of the judicatories of this church." The resolution was 
included in an address to the churches under the jurisdiction of this 
presbytery, which was drawn up by Gilliland.^ While immediate 
abohtion is not mentioned in this address, the anti-slavery tone is 
clear and ringing. "Had the church kept her hands clear of this 
bloody crime, it is possible, nay it is almost certain that slavery in 
these United States would have long ago been abolished." Gilli- 
land feared that destruction was near because men were so loath to 
hear reproof on the subject, and declared it the duty of the churches 
to exclude from communion all guilty of this sin. While Gilliland 
alone signed the address, which was called a "pastoral letter," the 
first page declared it to be with the authority of the presbytery. 

The Baptists, who had no central organization which could lay 
down rules for the government of the entire body of the church 
members, were very strong in the South. For these two reasons 
we find no action taken by the denomination as a whole, though 
some individuals and churches took anti-slavery ground. Before 
1808 a crusade against slavery was initiated by six Baptist min- 
isters of Kentucky : * Carter Tarrant, David Barrow, John Sutton, 

* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 7. 27, t^-t,, 43, 52, 53. 

2 John Rankin: "Letters on American Slavery," pp. 28, 29. 

3 Address to the Churches, in pamphlet form; The Genius of Universal Emanci- 
pation, II. 158, 165, 181. 

^ N. S. Shaler: "Kentucky. A Pioneer Commonwealth," p. 148; Lew^is Collins: 



The Attitude of the ChiircJies loi 

Donald Holmes, Jacob Gregg and George Smith. They called 
themselves "Friends of Humanity," and maintained that there 
should be no fellowship with slaveholders. Their field of opera- 
tions was narrow and they did not acquire a great reputation, 
nor did they greatly affect the anti-slavery contest, although they 
are mentioned once or twice during the period 1808-183 1. Most 
of the Baptist churches in Illinois admitted slaveholders into mem- 
bership, and were not earnest against the system. In 1828 seven- 
teen churches withdrew from the connection for this reason, and 
sent a circular address "to the Friends of Humanity in Illinois, 
Missouri, and elsewhere." ^ 

There is less testimony as to the work of other sects in the 
United States, with the exception of the Friends. The Episcopa- 
lians and Catholics were apparently neutral. The German, or High 
Dutch, Church at Pleasant Run, Ohio, was one of the few anti- 
slavery churches of which we have mention, ^ and carried their op- 
position to the institution "so far that they would hold no slaves 
themselves, nor have any communion or fellowship with those who 
did." Nearly all the members were from Virginia, whence the 
church had as a body emigrated to Ohio in 1801. A congrega- 
tion of Lutherans, probably in Tennessee, passed in 1822 or 1823 
a resolution declaring their abhorrence of slavery.^ 

The Friends were by far the most active opponents of slavery 
during this period. They furnished the leaders in the "American 
Convention " and in the greater number of the Abolition Societies 
in the country, while many individual members were renowned 
as friends of the slave. The traveler Blane thought the Quakers 
the only people in the United States who were seriously striving to 
abolish slavery, or who were exerting "themselves to the utmost to 
alleviate its horrors." Knight is less positive, yet says: "The 
Quakers, emphatically, and to their unfading honor, have ever 
been the foremost against slavery." * Among the few memorials 

"Historical Sketches of Kentucky," p. iii; David Benedict: "General History of the 
Baptist Denomination," edition of 1813, 2. 245. 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 107. 

2 This church, founded in 1790, had 70 members in 1809. Nothing is known of its 
later history. See Benedict: "General History of the Baptist Denomination," 2. 261. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 2. 114. 

* Wm. N. Blane: "An Excursion through the United States and Canada," p. 26; 
Henry C. Knight (Arthur Singleton, Esq.): "Letters from the South and West," p. 17. 
For the vi^ork of the Quakers before 1808 see M. S. Locke: "Anti-Slavery in America, 
1619-1808," §§ 105-107. 



I02 The Attitude of the Churches 

to Congrecs during this period are two from a Quaker Yearly 
Meeting; one in 1819 expressed their disapprobation of slavery 
extension/ and a second, in December, 1823, prayed for the 
amelioration of the condition of the slaves, especially in regard to 
the marriage relation.- Candler said in 1824 that slaveholding 
was not tolerated among the Friends of Long Island.^ A remon- 
strance in 1826 from the Monthly Meeting of Friends to the Leg- 
islature of Delaware solicits attention to the subject of slavery, 
denounces the system, and blames Delaware for her participation 
in the crime. It demands an immediate action of the powers of 
the Legislature for abolition in the state.'* 

The relation of the Friends of North Carolina and Virginia to 
slavery has been fully treated in a recent monograph, and a few 
facts may be briefly quoted. Quakers in the former state were not 
all anti-slavery men; some who married outside the Society, and 
took slaves as their wives' dower, became the hardest class to 
deal with. As a denomination, however, they freed their slaves, 
and since the laws in that state against unconditional emancipa- 
tion were so rigid, the Society itself became a slaveholder in 1808, 
receiving slaves from masters who wished to be rid of them, and 
giving them virtual freedom, sometimes sending them to the free 
states. In 1809 the Yearly Meeting decided to give up this custom, 
but it was soon recommenced, and continued till the Civil War. 
In 1814 they had 350 negroes whom they held in trust in this way. 
It was not deemed advisable to purchase these slaves at their full 
value, or to receive them from persons outside of the Society. A 
report in 1830 gave the number sent to free governments since the 
beginning of the custom as 652, at an expense of $12,769.81, and 
the number still under their care as 402. Other than this there was 
little work done even by the Quakers in North Carolina. Petitions 
to Congress in 181 6 and 1823, which had but little success, and 
some effort to educate the negroes are about all that is noted. Be- 
tween 1825 and 1 83 1 they were especially interested in the work 
of the American Colonization Society, although some members 
looked upon it as an aid to the slave power. In 1826 nearly S5000 
was given to the North Carolina. Yearly Meeting to send negroes 

* Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 739. 

2 Ihid. 1 8th Congress, ist Session, p. 810. 

3 Isaac Candler: "A Summary View of the United States," p. 322. 

* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 201, 202. 



The Attitude of the Churches 103 

from the states, and several vessels were fitted out and sent with 
emigrants.' 

In Virginia slavery attracted little attention from the Quakers 
after the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Society in that 
state never became a slaveholder, and it did no aggressive work.^ 

Notwithstanding these and other facts showing a true anti- 
slavery sentiment among the churches in this period, it is not to 
be contested that the great religious bodies did little, as such, to > 
aid in the abolition of slavery. The real work of the Quakers 
was in the Abolition Societies, which will be considered later, and 
in individual work, some of which has already been described. 

1 Stephen B. Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery." Quotations with regard 
to the Quakers in North Carolina are from pp. 224-232. See also The Genius of Univer- 
sal Emancipation, 4. 33. The memorial in 1823 is the one referred to in note 2, p. 102. 

^ Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 217. 



CHAPTER X 

THE CAUSES OF ORGANIZED EFFORT 

Although anti-slavery organizations existed before 1808, their 
number increased during the later years. This was due to several 
well-defined causes: the spread in the country of the idea of 
African colonization ; the growth of the idea of immediate emanci- 
pation ; the steady increase in anti-slavery sentiment in the North ; 
and the conviction that slavery was likely to be a permanent in- 
stitution unless immediately attacked. At the same time changes 
in individual opinion, and the growth of "delicacy" at the South, 
had their effect upon the organizations, their spread and their 
personnel. The character and personnel of the American Coloni- 
zation Society, its aims, and the extent to which it effected them, 
and the question whether it was on the whole truly anti-slavery, 
will be discussed in a later chapter. Consideration here is Hmited 
to its external history, as showing the spread of the idea of African 
colonization, and its effect upon the amount of organized effort in 
the country in connection with slavery. The founder of the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society was Rev. Robert Finley, D.D., a native 
of New Jersey, graduate of Princeton College, and an ordained 
pastor of the Presbyterian Church. At the time of its foundation 
at Washington in 181 6, it had fifty members, including Henry Clay, 
Stephen B. Balch, John Randolph of Roanoke, and Justice Bush- 
rod Washington, who was its first President. The movement was 
practically inaugurated by the action of several of the Southern 
Legislatures, that of Virginia passing in 1816 a resolution asking 
the general government to procure a site for African colonization, 
and the Legislatures of Maryland, Tennessee and Georgia soon 
following her example. In 182 1 the site of Liberia was purchased, 
and the community still in existence was soon after founded. The 
number of Colonization Societies steadily increased, though it was 

ten years before the idea obtained a distinct foothold in the North. 

104 



The Causes of Organized Effort 105 

As we approach the end of the period the growth becomes more 
rapid, although the number of societies and of life members was 
always greater at the South than at the North, In 1832 there were 
societies in every state except Rhode Island in the North, and 
South Carohna in the South. The tables show the increase in 
the number of societies, by states, during the years 1816-1832, 
and of the life members for the first three years in which they were 
recorded.' 

While immediate, unconditional emancipation found at all 
times only a limited following, the idea spread during the period 
under discussion, while a constantly increasing number favored the 
immediate passage of gradual emancipation laws. Even as late 
as the time of the Civil War a large number of those who expressed 
their s)^mpathy for the slave decried immediate emancipation as 
no less bad for the blacks than for the whites, though a fair pro- 
portion, especially among the slaveholders themselves, felt that 
immediate emancipation accompanied by colonization might be 
practicable. Later in the struggle people liked to think that they 
had always been on the extreme side, and they or their friends and 
biographers were sure that they had held and voiced that opinion 
between 1792 and 1831, most of them dating it from about 1814. 
The contemporary evidence shows very few real immediatists, but 
many who, while not favoring immediate emancipation, advocated 
an immediate passage of gradual emancipation acts.^ John Adams, 
John Jay and Daniel Raymond in 1819, Edward Bettle in 1826, 
Samuel Sewall in 1827, all speak of the inexpediency of immediate 
emancipation, and the danger to the blacks if it were attempted. 
An anonymous Southern writer, " Hieronymus," in 1825, says he 
does not believe he could find any Northern man advocating it; 

1 Appleton's Cyclopedia of Biography; North American Review, Jan. 1824; "A 
Few Facts respecting the American Colonization Society" published in 1830; Ralph R. 
Gurley: "The Life of Jehudi Ashmun," p. no; "African Colonization. Proceedings of 
a meeting of the Friends of African Colonization, held in the City of Bahimore on the 17th 
Oct. 1827," p. 5; Niles' Weekly Register, n. 275, 296; 15, Supplement, p. 42. The New 
Jersey Society is said to have been founded by Finley in 1817, but there is no mention of it 
in any report before 1827. The table is arranged entirely from the reports of the American 
Colonization Society, as the most comprehensive and presumably the most reliable source 
of such information. Statements differing from these may be found in various books, 
both those written in the earlier period, and more recently. 

2 See William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 17, 18, 76, 78, 106, 
169, 399; John Adams, " Works," edited by Charles Francis Adams, 10. 379; Daniel Ray- 
mond : "The Missouri Question," p. 8; Register of Pennsylvania, 10.328; The Christian 
Examiner, 4. 211; "Hieronymus," Essays, pp. 49, 58-60; The Genius of Universal Eman- 
cipation, I. 160 (Letter of John Jay to Elias Boudinot), 6. 82, 260. 



io6 



The Causes of Organized Effort 



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The Causes of Organized Effort 107 

the members of the Abohtion Society in Williams College in 1826 
express their doubt of its advisability ; while a writer in the Rich- 
mond Enquirer in 1827 said that immediate emancipation without 
expatriation was the idea only of those "who have not the guide 
of either knowledge or experience on the subject." Yet Hierony- 
mus would be inclined to follow the plan could he feel the danger 
from it overestimated; he declares that abolition, either immediate 
or gradual, is the only remedy for the slave trade; "that it is our 
duty, and our interest, to liberate them [the slaves] as soon as it 
can be done with safety"; and expresses his hope that if the slave- 
holders cannot prove the necessity and value of slavery, "they will 
yield to their honest convictions and unite for the gradual, and if 
at all practicable, the immediate abolition of slavery." 

The Pennsylvania Abolition Society sent a memorial to their 
State Legislature in 1820, asking for a law for immediate and total 
emancipation in that state, believing that it was feasible, since the 
gradual emancipation act had been so long in force.^ In the Ameri- 
can Convention in 1826 it was proposed to ask Congress to abolish 
slavery immediately in the District of Columbia.^ In 1828 the 
New York Legislature passed an act practically setting free all 
slaves still held in that state. In 1825 a writer in the Washington 
(Pa.) Examiner, while expressing doubts as to the safety of uncon- 
ditional emancipation, adds, apropos of the domestic slave trade, 
"We would almost as soon risk even that as a continuance of such 
infamous and inhuman practices." ' A pamphlet published in the 
same year by a New England man declared, by logical and numeri- 
cal arguments, the practicability of emancipation.'' A letter from 
Sadsbury, Pennsylvania, to the editor of the "Genius" in October, 
1829, declared the writer's belief in immediate emancipation, and 
his desire that the slaves be freed, even though it were to be danger- 
ous to the whites.* Another writer from western Virginia declared 
(1830) that immediate emancipation was justice, and that it was 
not right to consider expediency.* Other writers whose arguments 

1 Edward Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," p. 70. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 74. 

3 Ihid. 5. rg. 

■* "An Attempt to Demonstrate the Practicability of Emancipating the Slaves of the 
United States of North America, and of removing them from the Country, without im- 
pairing the Right of Private Property, or subjecting the Nation to a tax. By a New- 
England Man." Published in New York in 1825. 

5 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 41. 

« Ibid. II. 85-86. 



io8 The Causes of Organized Effort 

against slavery and for immediate emancipation were published 
during this period are quoted in the previous chapters. 

The unpopularity of immediate emancipation, though advo- 
cated by a limited following, is clearly seen in the unwillingness 
of any society to accept it in its completeness, except one society 
in Sunsbury, Monroe County, Ohio, which in 1826 set that definite 
aim before itself by its constitutional rule that "No person shall 
be admitted to membership unless he is in unison with the follow- 
ing propositions, i. I am opposed to every species of slavery. 
2. I am willing to do all I can, consistently, towards the immedi- 
ate abolition of slavery. 3. And when any of this class shall 
become free, I wish them to partake of the common pri\'ileges of 
other free citizens." ^ 

Midway between colonization and immediate emancipation was 
the old-fashioned anti-slavery sentiment, which gained ground at 
the North, however apathetic it seemed to the wrongs of the slave. 
The address of the American Convention to the Societies in 182 1 
congratulated its readers upon "the great change in public opinion 
in favor of abolition of slavery that has already been effected in 
the Northern, Middle, and some of the Western States."^ The 
New York society, in its address to the American Convention the 
same year, stated that "perseverance in the course of philanthropy 
and justice has achieved, in this state, nearly all that laws can 
effect." The writers continued: "But a little while ago we were 
surrounded with enemies on every side ; and the number of ad- 
vocates for Negro emancipation was, in comparison with the 
whole number of citizens, a mere handful. ... It is believed, we 
may now with confidence assert, that a great majority of the citi- 
zens of New York and of the state are adverse to slavery." ^ 
The address of the Williams College Society for Abolition said in 
1826: "It appears to be the conviction of people generally in this 
part of the country that the time has arrived when it is necessary 
to feel as well as speculate, and to act as well as feel, if we would" 
accomplish anything in behalf of the negroes.'* A similar address 

^ Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the AboHtion of Slavery, for 
1826, p. 48; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 122. It is true that other societies 
claimed to advocate this, but we have no copy of their constitution extant, nor any distinct 
report, other than the later utterances of those more or less intimately concerned. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 
1821, p. 56. 3 Ihid. p. 67; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 178. 

4 Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the AboHtion of Slavery, for 
1826, p. 21. 



The Causes of Organized Effort 109 

in 1828 from the National Anti-slavery Tract Society was sure 
that a wonderful change had taken place in the public mind, and 
that it had mostly been effected within a quarter of a century.^ 

Another reason for advance both in numbers and in expression 
of sentiment was the evidence that slavery was not a temporary 
and disappearing thing at the South, as at the North, but that it 
had firmly taken root in the political and social institutions of the 
country. The Methodist Episcopal Church felt in 1824 that it 
was impossible to eradicate or control slavery, and that even "its 
eradication from the church" was "beyond the control of ecclesi- 
astical law," and proposed rules to govern the treatment of the 
slaves by the church members.^ Isaac Holmes, travehng about 
1821, said that there was little prospect of emancipation.^ Others 
held out the cheerful prospect that slavery would continue until 
there should be a second San Domingo, to drench the slave states 
with blood and give rise to a barbarous black republic. The bug- 
bear often served the abolitionists, who tried to arouse the South- 
erner to his danger, so that he might emancipate the slaves before 
it was too late. 

During the decade from 1820 to 1830 there was indubitably a 
growth of anti-slavery sentiment at the North, and a slow change 
of individual opinion on the question of slavery. Intercourse 
between the North and the South was more easy in 1830 than in 
1808, and news from one part of the country more readily found 
its way to other sections. The growth of freedom in the Northern 
states must have led many both in the North and the South to see 
the advantages of abolition; the border states saw a diminishing 
proportion of slave population; and there were indications that 
these and other states were approaching the position where they 
might consider the feasibility of emancipation. More than all the 
rest, the Missouri struggle had opened the eyes of many to the evils 
of slavery extension, or to the necessity for protection to that institu- 
tion, according to the geographical position of the thinker. The 
contest in Illinois had aroused a number to whom the slavery 
struggle might otherwise have been only a word. It therefore 
seems natural that the period after 1831 should witness more 

1 Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 
1828, p. 46. 

2 N. Bangs: "A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church," 3. 274. 

3 Isaac Holmes: "An Account of the United States," p. 329. 



no The Causes of Organized Effort 

zealous advocates and more bitter speeches than the earlier period. 
The expression of sentiment is slower than its growth. Some 
people would not speak on the subject until their opinion had 
become less unusual, and the minority in which they stood had 
grown larger. Many later anti-slavery champions may with justice 
claim that their anti-slavery sentiment dated from their early hfe 
though their first words on the subject came much later in their 
life, and far along in the history of anti-slavery. 

In later discussions it became a iixed dogma of the pro-slavery 
writers that up to 1831 there was in the South an ever increasing 
opposition to slavery, a denunciation of it as a system, and a strong 
tendency towards its abohtion, and that the "delicacy" of the South 
in regard to the "peculiar institution" was aroused by the clashing 
between the uncompromising abuse by Garrison and his fol- 
lowers and the indomitable pride of the slaveholders. For this 
conviction there was some ground; in 1813 Benedict, a New 
England man traveling at the South, at first determined not to talk 
about slavery, but he found that the Southern slaveholders were 
willing to discuss it.^ Rankin's "Letters on Slavery" sold in 
great numbers without opposition in Kentucky in 1824 to 1828.^ 
In 1828 a three-day anti-slavery convention was held in Win- 
chester, Virginia. The meetings were public, widely advertised, 
and w^ere held in the town hall, yet they met with no opposition.^ 

Yet the evidence of open-mindedness cannot stand against the 
many instances of absolute refusal to permit argument against 
slavery. In the Colonial Congress, in the Confederation, in the 
Constitutional Convention, in the State ratifying Conventions, in 
the early Congresses, there were many vehement denunciations of 
anything which seemed to have an anti-slavery tendency, and 
wholesale suspicion of the North at all times when the subject was 
opened. Between 1808 and 1819 there is little indication of a 
real sectional jealousy on the subject, but after the struggle over 
Missouri it is rarely absent from Southern discussions of slavery. 
The Missouri Compromise was in part a political contest, in which 
the issue was not slavery per se, but sectional power, yet plenty of 

1 David Benedict: "General History of the Baptist Denomination," edition of 1ST3, 
2. 20S. 

2 A. T. Rankin: "Truth Vindicated and Slander Repelled," p. 7. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 9. 35. For a fuller discussion of the period 
before 1808, with reference to Southern delicacy, see M. S. Locke: "Anti-Slavery in Amer- 
ica, 1619-1808." 



The Causes of Organized Effort iii 

references can be found to the " irritability of the South," and the 
"danger" of discussion both during and after this period. A few 
examples will illustrate this point. In January, 1820, William 
Smith of South Carolina denounced in Congress the anti-slavery 
pamphlets by "Colbert," "Marcus," and Daniel Raymond.^ 
Judge Story, afterwards Chief Justice, in May, 1820, called the 
subject a "delicate topic." ^ Charles J. Fox, in the New York 
Commercial Advertiser, before or during the earlier part of 1821, 
included "sectional animosity" among the "evils which slavery 
is shedding upon our country like a poisonous blight." ^ 

An interesting incident was related in 1823 by W. Faux, an anti- 
slavery Englishman who happened to be in Charleston, South 
Carolina, and wrote to the Charleston Courier to show up the case 
of a slave murdered by excessive whipping, and to arouse the com- 
munity from its indifference. Faux was severely criticized then 
and on a second visit, and he declared that "the Carolinians love 
slavery and hate all who hate it." Perhaps it is more astonishing 
that the letter was printed at all than that it was criticized, for it 
came two years after the Denmark Vesey plot, when the state was 
fearfully excited.* 

A constitutional nervousness is shown in several incidents of the. 
years 1825-1826, for example Governor Troup's attitude in 1825 
in regard to the Creek episode.^ Attorney- General Wirt's opinion 
on the unconstitutionality of the South Carolina Colored Seamen's 
Act (1826) was received with abuse and neglect. In the debates on 
the Panama Congress in 1826 slavery was treated as a fragile thing, 
which could not bear discussion at Panama. 

When William Maxwell, a Norfolk lawyer of high standing, 
denounced slavery in an article in the Norfolk Herald, a meeting 
was called to examine the state of the police, and other correspondr 
ents in the paper accused Maxwell of wishing to arouse another 
San Domingo.^ The United States Gazette referred in 1826 to "A 
sensible and spirited writer in the Kentucky Reporter" who had 
"come out against slavery in plain and manly terms." "We did 

1 Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 267. 

2 Charge to the Grand Jury of th'e U. S. Circuit Court at Portland, Me., on May 8, 
1820, p. 14. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 13. 

* W. Faux: "Memorable Days in America," pp. 69, 73-76, 405. 

5 Niles' Weekly Register, 28. 274, etc. 

8 The Geniiis of Universal Emancipation, 5. 369, 372, 377, 385, 393. 



112 The Causes of Organized Effort 

not suppose," the editor continues, "that any man dare write, or 
printer publish such plain truths in that state." ^ In November, 

1825, the Southern writer "Hieronymus" said that probably no 
discussion of slavery could be carried on in the papers of the South, 
for the editors would lose their patrons; he related how a clergy- 
man in Carolina about twenty years before had been obliged to 
leave his people and remove to a free state because he conscien- 
tiously preached against slavery.- The Manumission Society of 
North Carolina, in their address to the American Convention in 

1826, spoke of the fact that in that state "the gentlest attempt to 
agitate the subject or the slightest hint at the work of emancipa- 
tion" was "sufficient to call forth their [the slaveholders'] indig- 
nant resentment, as if their dearest rights were invaded." ^ 

Added to remonstrance there were some cases of positive meas- 
ures against anti-slavery men and organizations. When some 
people met at Smithfield, Virginia, in 1827, to form an abolition 
society, the meeting was broken up by magistrates, on the ground 
that as there was no law authorizing such a meeting it must be 
contrary to law.* The author of "Americans as they are," pub- 
lished in 1828, refers to the extreme irritabihty of the South on the 
question, and the actual danger of death if a lawyer defended a 
slave.^ In 1825 a South Carolina subscriber to the "Genius" 
asked to have the paper discontinued; a young man, in weak 
health, and dependent on his profession for support, he dared not 
receive a paper which aroused so much opposition.^ 

That this unwillingness was not always accompanied by a real 
sense of the righteousness of slavery, but was often rather an indi- 
cation of sectional jealousy, is also shown by some of the discussion 
on the part of the South. Representative Drayton of South Caro- 
lina, in a debate in Congress in 1828, spoke strongly against the 
institution, yet he continued: "Much as we love our country, we 
would rather see our cities in flames, our plains drenched in blood 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 6g. 

2 "Hieronymus," Essays, p. 62. Perhaps the clergyman referred to was Gilliland; 
see above, p. 60. 

3 Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for 
1826, p. 37. 

■* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 7. 13. The quotation is from the Win- 
chester Republican, whose editor considered that the magistrates had taken the best 
means to increase the supporters of the society. 

^ "Americans As They Are," p. 178. 

6 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 61. This was four years before Garrison 
became one of its editors. 



The Causes of Organized Effort 113 

— rather endure all the calamities of civil war, than parley for an 
instant upon the right of any power than our own to interfere with 
the regulation of our slaves." ^ This is still more clearly shown in 
the distinct utterance of suspicions of the North. Samuel E. Sewall 
in the Christian Examiner in 1827 speaks of the jealousy of the 
North entertained by the South, and the unfounded belief that 
there were many who favored the idea of immediate emancipation.^ 
The editorials of the New England Weekly Review, which have 
already been quoted, allude to the "abuse heaped by Southern 
Demagogues upon New England." 

A still more fierce unwillingness to discuss slavery, and indica- 
tion of sectional jealousy are found in the resolution of the Legisla- 
ture of South Carolina in 1828, protesting against any claim by 
Congress of power to interfere with either free blacks or slaves in 
South Carolina, and declaring that South Carolina would not 
submit. Any discussion of the matter would light "fires of in- 
testine commotion" and would " ultimately consume our country." ^ 
A still closer parallel to the later argument that the Southerners 
adhered to slavery because the North abused them is found in 
a speech of Thomas H. Benton, in Congress, in 1829. "It is not 
to be forgotten," he said, "that the terrible Missouri agitation took 
its rise from the 'substance of two speeches' delivered on this 
floor," and thenceforth no anti-slavery speech coming from the 
North must be disregarded. Then addressing the North, he said : 
"To them I can truly say that slavery in the abstract has but few 
advocates or defenders in the slaveholding States, and that slavery 
as it is, an hereditary institution, . , . would have fewer advo- 
cates among us than it has, if those who have nothing to do with 
the subject would only let us alone. The sentiment in favor of 
slavery was much weaker before those intermeddlers began their 
operations than it is at present." ^ 

It is a noteworthy fact, especially in view of the history of the 
beginning of the Civil War, that the larger part of this opposition 

1 Register of Debates, 4. 975. See above, p. 22. 

2 The Christian Examiner, 4. 7. 

3 David F. Houston : "A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina," p. 51. 

4 Benton : "A Thirty Years' View," i. 136. This was before Garrison's first words in 
the "Genius"; before he first advocated immediate emancipation; and of course before 
he had sufficient prominence and influence even among the abolitionists to antaRoni.^e the 
South. The opposition to which Benton refers, and which he so condemns, was due to the 
earlier abolitionists entirely. 

8 



114 ^^^^ Causes of Organized Effort 

to anti-slavery, and nearly all the violent expression of it, was found 
in the state of South Carolina, many of the other states of the South 
contributing nothing, or at least nothing that has gone on record. 
The most virulent attack on anti-slavery before Garrison's rise was 
written under the title of "The Crisis," by Robert James TurnbuU 
of South Carolina, over the nom de guerre of "Brutus." "Who 
could have believed, in 1789," says Brutus, "that in less than forty 
years several State Legislatures should even entreat that Congress 
would take under its consideration measures to remove as an evil 
of the first magnitude the FUNDAMENTAL POLITY of the 
Southern States — that even the subject of slavery should be a fit 
object for the INDIRECT legislation of- a Government instituted 
for the purpose of attending to foreign relations, . . . Domestic ser- 
vitude is the policy of our country, and has been so from time im- 
memorial. It is so intimately interwoven with our prosperity . . . 
that to talk of its abolition is to speak of striking us out of our civil 
and political existence." He complains that the Legislatures of 
Ohio, New Jersey and other states "pour forth their phials of 
wrath" upon slavery. He foresees that the question must be dis- 
cussed in Congress, but "the instant Congress PRESUMES to 
express its opinion," South Carolina " will Act.'' ^ This violent and 
threatening paper has the very same ring, and uses nearly the 
same language, as the later expressions from South Carolina, which 
were supposed to be excited solely by the anti-slavery labors of the 
Garrisonians ; but it was published two years before Garrison went 
to Baltimore, one year before he took the editorship of the " Journal 
of the Times" in Bennington, Vermont, and only one year after 
his first recorded words against slavery, which were probably not 
read by any Southern man. 

Not one of these many critics of the North refer to William 
Lloyd Garrison, or even to Northern abolition societies or aboli- 
tionists, and probably not one of them had ever heard of Garrison. 
The dates of his coming into abolition service show conclusively 
the existence of bitterness, irritation, and a determination to suppress 
criticism, before he could have had any influence. The work of 
Garrison before 183 1 has been mentioned in an earlier chapter,^ 
but it may be well in this connection to give a brief r^sumd of the 

1 R. J. Turnbull (Brutus): "The Crisis," pp. 95, 124, 129, 130, 131. Italics and 
capitals as in the original. 

2 See above, p. 67-70, 



The Causes of Organized Effort 115 

important dates. Garrison's first recorded word on the subject 
of slavery was an editorial comment on a poem on Africa published 
in 1826; and the next a brief reference to the topic in an article 
written in June of the same year. An editorial denunciation of 
slavery in 1828 is followed during the same year by the work in 
Vermont, and the editing of the "Journal of the Times," from 
which we may justly date the beginning of his anti-slavery career. 
He is not yet, however, in a position to influence the South, or at 
all events to antagonize it, for he advocates only gradual emancipa- 
tion and writes only for a local Northern paper, though he is be- 
coming known to the anti-slavery workers of the country and is 
proposing the formation of anti-slavery societies at the North and 
a petition against slavery in the District of Columbia. His belief 
in and advocacy of immediate emancipation dates from 1829, and 
his expression of it from his partnership with Lundy in that year. 
Garrison manifestly thought that his advocacy of immediate eman- 
cipation in the "Genius" was the cause of its small circulation 
and the opposition to it which was seen in some quarters, and some 
of his biographers have laid great stress upon this point, even 
stating that his attitude "broke up the paper." His, however, was 
not the first advocacy of immediate emancipation in the paper ; 
the trouble in finding subscribers existed long before the partner- 
ship ; the opposition was equally strong in 1825, four years before ; ^ 
and the publication of the "Genius" continued for more than six 
years after the connection of Garrison with the paper ceased, and 
for five years after the pubhcation of the "Liberator." While 
Lundy says that some of the articles in the paper during his absences 
were not such as he would have liked, it is very possible that his 
opposition would have been to the personalities rather than to the 
proposal of immediate emancipation. It was no doubt Garrison's 
later work which aroused the hatred of the South against him, and 
led to the expression of a sentiment which had existed for many 
years. 

1 See above, p. 112. 



CHAPTER XI 

ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES 

It is at this date impossible to determine with any exactness 
the number or location of anti-slavery societies during the period 
from 1808 to 1 83 1. This is not remarkable, since at the time 
widely varying statements were current. An enumeration of the 
societies appears only three times in the reports of the American 
Convention or in the " Genius of Universal Emancipation," and 
each time the statement is purposely left indefinite. Lundy says 
in 1825 "over one hundred," in 1827 "about one hundred and 
thirty," and the report of the American Convention gives the num- 
ber for 1828 as "over one hundred and forty." Where Lundy 
lists, by states,' one hundred and six societies, he adds that there 
w'ere also ten or twelve in Illinois, and some forty or fifty unre- 
ported, which would make a total of at least one hundred and 
fifty-six. A great many names of societies are found in these two 
authorities, but rarely the date of organization.^ The accompany- 
ing tables give, as accurately as the material permits,^ the num- 
ber, location and date of organization of the various societies, by 
states, and the names of all the individual societies which have 
been found will be printed in Appendix B. As may be readily seen, 
these are not all that were in existence at the dates mentioned.* 
A study of these tables arouses some doubt of such statements as 

* Lundy 's lists by states are certainly not exhaustive. For example, no mention at any 
date is made of Connecticut; yet in 1827, the year one of these hsts was published, there 
was mentioned in the "Genius" a colored society in New Haven, and there also existed a 
small society in the same city, in which Leonard Bacon was the prime mover. 

^ The date of the first sending of delegates to the American Convention is usually the 
earliest date given. But in every case there is some record of work done by the society 
previous to that date, and sometimes indications of an existence of several 3'ears. 

^ For these tables no secondary authority has been taken, with two exceptions : for 
the period before 1808 the facts were taken from Mary S. Locke: "Anti-Slavery in Amer- 
ica, 1619-1808"; and for those in North Carohna the authority of Stephen B. Weeks: 
"Southern Quakers and Slavery," has been accepted. The authorities consulted have 
been the reports of the American Convention, the Genius of Universal Emancipation, 
the Annals of Congress in case of memorials signed by societies as such, the American State 
Papers in one such case, and Niles' Weekly Register, in regard to current events. In 
Appendix C will be found the names of all societies found in any authority. 

* Only eight names are given for North Carolina, while all authorities agree that there 
were between forty and fifty societies there, and the cases of Connecticut and IlHnois have 
been already cited. 

116 



Anti-Slavery Societies 



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Anti-Slavery Societies 



II. TOTAL SOCIETIES IN THE UNITED STATES' 



States 


1824 


1825 


1826 


1827 


Connecticut 

Delaware 

District of Columbia . . . 


I 
5 or 6 

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21 
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Pennsylvania 

Rhode Island 

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2 

I 
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4 
16 

I 

25 
8 or 9 


Total (A) 

Total (B) 


39-42 


100 
100 + 


97-100 


141-142 
130 + 



that in 1827 there were one hundred and thirty abohtion societies 
in the United States, and only twenty-four of them in the free 
states.^ The " Genius " distinctly records in this year one hun- 
dred and thirty-nine or one hundred and forty societies, of which 
thirty-six were in the free states, and several Northern societies 
are not included. Taking the more definitely described societies, a 
still larger proportion are in the North. ^ 

The attempt to reconcile the varying estimates of the number of 
societies must lead to the suspicion that the anti-slavery people 
talked loosely, and exaggerated their numbers. By the widest 
liberality can be located, with any approach to certainty, only one 
society out of a possible twelve in Illinois ; only six, out of a pos- 
sible twenty-five in Tennessee; and only eight out of a possible 
fifty in North Carolina, or a total of sixty-four out of a possible 
one hundred and forty in the country. From other authorities 

1 Only the totals are given here which are distinctly given as such in the authorities, 
they are not the sums of any previous tables. 

(A) These totals are the deductions from this table, obtained by the addition of the 
columns. 

(B) These are two totals distinctly given by Lundy in the "Genius." They are the 
only cases where a total for the United States is given. 

2 Jacob P. Dunn: "Indiana: A Redemption from Slavery," p. 190. 

3 Out of twenty-three societies whose names are recorded in one year, ten were in the 
free states, in addition to the possible twelve in Illinois. (See Table I.) And out of sixty- 
four named societies twenty-six were in the free states, with the same addition as before. 
(See Table 11.) 



Anti-Slavery Societies ng 

we learn of other names, very likely as correct as those tabled, 
but we cannot check the official estimates by the writers of 
the time. For example, William Jay in 1835 enumerated ^ 
fifteen societies which sent delegates to the American Conven- 
tion of 1827. The report of that Convention mentions ten soci- 
eties, of which four are not in Jay. The societies he mentioned 
existed at some time, but they did not send delegates in 1827, 
and in most cases there is no proof of their existence in that year. 

The most definite references by writers of the period are to 
abolition societies in Delaware and Kentucky. A society in Wil- 
mington, Delaware, is mentioned by John Palmer in 18 17 as 
caring for a fugitive slave until legal proofs of possession were 
brought by his owner.^ In Kentucky a society called "Friends of 
Humanity" was formed in 1807, eleven clergymen and thirteen 
laymen signing the constitution; they were commonly known as 
the "Emancipators," and remained in existence at least till 1813, 
when the account of the society was written.^ An abolition society 
near Frankfort, Kentucky, communicated with the Pennsylvania 
Abolition Society in 1809 and 1823, which of course argues its ex- 
istence between those two dates.* An account is given of an attempt 
to form an abolition society in Kentucky in 1830. This last was 
to have no formal organization until it numbered fifty members; 
the first call was signed by fourteen, and in a few weeks thirty- 
four more joined them, including men of national reputation, but 
for lack of a strong leader the whole plan came to nothing.' 

A society at St. Clairsville, Ohio, founded by Lundy in 18 15, is 
mentioned ; ® one in Ripley, Ohio, begun early in the century ; ' 
also one in West Union, formed by Dyer Burgess, in 181 9. An- 
other in Zanesville, Ohio, founded in 1826, had for its expressed 
object "the total extinction of slavery in the United States at the 
earliest possible period." This society remained in existence dur- 

1 William Jay: "Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery," p. 113. 

2 John Palmer: "Journal of Travels in the United States of America," p. 19. 

3 David Benedict: "General History of the Baptist Denomination," edition of 1813, 
2. 245-247. See above, pp. 100, loi. 

* Edward Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," pp. 58, 79, 80. 

* William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 99-101. See above, pp. 
20, 35. An abolition society had existed in Kentucky for several years, but it is very pos- 
sible that it may have lapsed before 1830, as the latest mention of it was in 1822. 

* Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 390; Earl: "Life of Lundy," p. 16. Mr. Birney, 
page 164, speaks of the society at Mt. Pleasant, Ohio, as founded by Lundy in 1815. This 
must be a mistake, as Lundy was not then living in Mt. Pleasant, but in St. Clairsville, 
where he certainly founded a society in that year. 

7 Birney: " James G. Birney," p. 165. 



I20 Anti-Slavery Societies 

ing the later period, and in 1833 reformed its constitution to favor 
immediate emancipation still more strongly.^ 

These societies differed much in size, although few writers 
state their numbers. That in New Haven, Connecticut, in which 
Leonard Bacon was prominent, consisted for a considerable time 
of only its five charter members. The Kentucky Abolition Society 
is said to have had but six or seven members when its new consti- 
tutioh was adopted in 1815, but in 1822 it had grown to two 
hundred and fifty regular members, banded into five or six 
branches.^ The Maryland Anti-slavery Society, which was started 
as a state society in 1825, had four branches with several hun- 
dred members only thirteen months after its organization ; ^ in 
its report to the American Convention in 1826 it states its 
membership as two hundred and fifty in five branches ; * and in 
1827 it had grown to eleven branches and five hundred mem- 
bers.^ The National Anti-Slavery Tract Society, which had its 
headquarters in Baltimore, Maryland, reported in 1828 a mem- 
bership of fifty, all from slaveholding states. 

The New York Abohtion Society deplored in 182 1 the small 
number of anti-slavery advocates in proportion to the inhabitants; ® 
for many years after its foundation it counted not more than one 
hundred active members and never "in its greatest prosperity" did 
it exceed four hundred in the midst of a population of one hun- 
dred thousand. The society in New Lisbon, Ohio, is said to have 
numbered five hundred in three months after its organization, and 
to have advocated immediate, unconditional emancipation.' The 
Columbia (Penn.) Society had sixty-four, nine months after its 
formation; and that in West Middletown (Penn.) consisted of "a 
very respectable number of citizens." ^ The society in Loudon, 
Virginia, had, in 1824, soon after its foundation, about twenty 
members;^ and in the Virginia Convention of 1827, twenty mem- 

1 Mr. Birney seems to think that the Aiding Abohtion Society of Ohio, the first mention 
of which in either the reports of the American Convention or the Genius of Universal 
Emancipation was in 1826, was founded before that time. He also says (p. 76) that 
the Manumission Society was founded in 1814, a fact, which, though clearly indicated 
in the "Genius," is not expressly so stated. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 150. 

3 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 83. 
* Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, p. ^i- 

5 Ibid, for 1827, p. 51 ; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 43. 

« Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, p. 6. 

7 Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 165; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 182. 

" The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 364. » Ibid. 4. 7. 



Anti-Slavery Societies 121 

bers answered to their names/ These last were probably dele- 
gates from branch societies, and represented a much larger 
constituency, but how much larger we cannot tell. 

The largest numbers, so far as we can ascertain now, come from 
the slave states of Tennessee and North Carolina. In 1823 the 
Manumission Society of Tennessee reported ^ twenty branches, 
most of them apparently flourishing, the whole number of mem- 
bers "supposed to exceed 600." But in the number of members 
North Carolina decidedly leads. In 1816, at the first general 
meeting, there were one hundred and forty-seven members pres- 
ent;^ in the annual meeting in 1819, two hundred and eighty- 
one members reported present,* For the meeting of 1825 Weeks 
allows but eighty-one delegates, while Lundy reports one hun- 
dred and forty delegates, and many spectators.^ In this year 
fifteen branches report four hundred and ninety-seven members; 
the entire membership, reckoned on this basis, would be about 
one thousand one hundred and fifty.^ In 1826, twenty-three 
branches reported about one thousand ; ' in July of that year the 
society is said to have about two thousand members, and the num- 
ber to be increasing rapidly.^ A meeting of an anti-slavery soci- 
ety near Yadkin River, in North Carolina, in 1826, is said to 
have had an attendance of three hundred, and to have received 
sixty-three new members, with no opposition, "and not a Quaker 
among them." ^ About this time the society in Maryland, in an 
address to the people, speaks of the situation in North Carolina, 
and says: "It is believed that nearly 3,000 citizens of that state 
have enrolled themselves as members of anti-slavery societies 
within a period of two years." ^" 

The names of but a few of the members have come down to us 
in the reports of these societies; but we know a large proportion 
of the officers, and nearly all the delegates to the American Conven- 
tion, presumably the most prominent workers. We find the names 
of nearly four hundred different men reported as officers and dele- 
gates to the American Convention during the period.^ ^ Few of 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 7. 102. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1823, p. 18. 

3 Stephen B. Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 235. * Ibid. p. 238. 
» Ibid. p. 240; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 57. 
6 Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 240. '' Ibid. p. 241. 
** The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 364. ^ Ibid. 5. 414 

10 Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 83. 

11 The names of these men will be found in Appendix A. 



122 Anti-Slavery Societies 

these names are familiar, almost no man prominent in politics ap- 
pears among them, and but few of the later abolitionists. Among 
the most famihar men are Carter Tarrant and David Barrow 
of Kentucky, Daniel Raymond and Benjamin Lundy of Mary- 
land, Thomas Emmett and Cadwallader D. Colden of New York, 
the Swaims and Coffins of North Carolina, Caspar Wistar, the 
Atlces, Wihiam Rawle, Roberts Vaux, Benjamin Rush and Edward 
Needles of Pennsylvania,^ and Rowland Hazard of Rhode Island. 

The organization of the anti-slavery societies was, as a rule, 
very simple. A President, Vice-President, Secretary and Treas- 
urer were the regular officers, and often an "Acting Committee," 
apparently much like modern "Executive Committees." In the 
larger societies, as those of New York and Pennsylvania, and also 
in some of the smaller ones, there were several committees. In 
Pennsylvania there was an "x\cting Committee," a "Board of 
Education" for the oversight of the schools under the charge of 
the society, an "Electing Committee," and a number of "Coun- 
sellors," who were of great assistance in ah cases involving law or 
an appeal to the courts. In New York there was a still larger 
variety; the ordinary officers including two Vice-Presidents and 
an Assistant Secretary, "Counsellors," a "Register," a "Standing 
Committee," "Trustees of the School," "Committee of Ways and 
Means," and "Committee of Correspondence." 

The societies differed greatly in the amount and the kind of 
work done. Some few seem to have really advocated immediate 
emancipation, others hardly dared to stand for emancipation of 
any sort, without colonization as a necessary sequence. The work 
in general consisted of meetings, published addresses or general 
information on the subject of slavery, memorials and petitions to 
the officials of state or nation, the defence of negroes in the courts 
when claimed as fugitives, the bringing to justice of cruel masters 
and opposition to both the foreign and domestic slave trade. Where 
it was not against the law of the state they also labored for the edu- 
cation and elevation of the negro race. 

Nearly all the societies of which we have record were represented 
at least one year in the general "American Convention of Aboh- 
ton Societies," and the anti-slavery addresses they prepared and 
sei: to this body are preserved in the reports of its meetings. Many 

1 Needles later reported from Maryland. 



Anti-Slavery Societies 123 

also of the messages of the local or state meetings to the societies 
there represented can be found, as well as reference at least to 
other addresses on the subject. The society at Williams College, 
Williamstown, Massachusetts, arranged for public anti-slavery 
addresses, both on the Fourth of July and on other occasions/ 
The society in New Lisbon, Ohio, published an address on the 
evils of slavery and the necessity of gradual emancipation. ^ The 
method of pubhc appeals was more frequent in the slave states; 
the society in Washington, District of Columbia, addressed the 
citizens of their District in 1828 on the question of abohtion there,^ 
and that in Alexandria, then in the District, published a series of 
addresses in the Alexandria Gazette and the Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, which were quite widely copied, and in which 
they denounced slavery as a social and political evil.* Others 
were issued by societies in Maryland,^ in addition to the work of 
the National Anti-slavery Tract Society, which had its head- 
quarters in Baltimore. The society in Loudon, Virginia, published 
an address to the public with strong denunciations of slavery and 
appeals for emancipation.^ An "Address to Christians" was put 
forth in 181 6 in Tennessee,' and annual addresses from the 
"Tennessee Convention" to its branches,^ etc. 

The most widely known address issued by a society as such, 
was published^ by the Manumission Society of North Carolina 
in 1830, under the title "Address to the People of North Carolina 
on the evils of slavery." They state five propositions: first, "Our 
slave system is radically evil"; second, "it is founded in injus- 
tice and cruelty"; third, "it is a fruitful source of pride, idleness 
and tyranny"; fourth, it increases depravity and inflames the 
passions, is disgraceful and destructive; fifth, it is contrary to the 
Christian religion. They urge that the truth of the first proposition 
was generally admitted, and would have been still more generally 
assented to if the "pernicious effects" were less. The fundamen- 
tal injustice was in the kidnapping of the negro in Africa, and the 

' Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, p. 19. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 123. ^ Hid. 8. 21. 

* Ibid. 6. 221, etc.; Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, p. 54. 

5 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 273. ^ Ibid. 5. 85, 86. 

7 Niles' Weekly Register, 14. 321. 

8 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 73, 142; 5. 42, 50. 

9 This address received the approval of the Board of Managers, and was signed for 
them by Amos Weaver and William Swaim. A reprint of the pamphlet, in facsimile, pub- 
Hshed in 1S60, has been found, the earlier edition being apparently not extant. The quo- 
tations are from pp. 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 30, 41-43. 45. 58. 59-^3. 65-68. 



124 Anti-Slavery Societies 

dooming of his innocent children to slavery. The fact of the sanc- 
tion of civil law was no justification, for the laws of nature and of 
God were higher than those of man; and slavery is impossible by 
civil law, because it is contrary to the Bills of Rights in the con- 
stitutions of many states and of the United States. In the consti- 
tution of Delaware all men are declared to possess by nature the 
right to liberty, to property and to worship; in the constitution of 
North Carolina all men are declared to possess a natural and un- 
alienable right to worship God. Attention is called to the clause 
in the latter constitution where it states that "no hereditary emolu- 
ments, privileges, or honors ought to be granted or conferred in 
this state," and it is claimed that transmitting slaves by inheri- 
tance violates this principle. Common law is said to rest on " reason 
and the divine law," and these are violated in the slave laws. The 
cruelty of slavery is shown by the slave trade, foreign and domestic, 
by the lack of protection to slave marriage and to the properly 
of slaves, and by cruelty and even murder, when no white person 
is present, or the slave is a runaway. It is further shown by the 
absence of provisions for education or for moral improvement. 

Appeal is made to the people to reflect and call for redress 
"until virtue triumphs over vice, and humanity over cruelty." In 
discussing the fifth proposition, that slavery is contrary to the Chris- 
tian religion, they considered it almost superfluous to ask whether 
slavery is contrary to Christianity. The claim that slavery is con- 
trary to the Mosaic policy is also quite fully discussed. At the end 
of the document the principles of the Manumission Society arc 
definitely restated, i. Liberty is the inalienable birthright of 
every human being, white or black. 2. The negro is entitled to 
the same measure of justice as the white. 3. The evil affects 
every part of the community, and emancipation and colonization 
are necessary; emancipation must be gradual and prudent, but 
universal. Their plan for effecting this was the passage of, first, 
a law prohibiting further introduction of slaves into the state; 
second, a law to allow manumissions by slaveholders; third, a law 
allowing negroes to make contracts for purchasing their freedom; 
fourth, laws to impose further restraint upon the abuse of slaves 
and allowing easy means of redress ; fifth, a law providing for the 
elementary education of the negroes; and sixth, a law to free the 
post nati at a certain age, and to prohibit the removal of slaves 



Anti-Slavery Societies 125 

from the state in such a way as to cause the loss of the benefit of 
this last law. 

Memorials and petitions to the legislative bodies of state and 
nation were prepared in large numbers by the various abolition 
societies. No publications of any sort, and no record of memo- 
rials and petitions to Congress purporting to be from New Eng- 
land societies, can now be found. The societies must then have 
been few and unaggressive. Memorials and petitions in favor of 
abolition in the District of Columbia were sent by the Tennessee 
Manumission Society in 1822,^ and later in 1825; ^ by the Penn- 
sylvania Abohtion Society in 1824;^ by the Maryland Abolition 
Society in 1825;* by the New York Abolition Society in 1827;^ 
and by the societies of the District itself in 1827 and 1828.* 
Other petitions to Congress sent by the abolition societies, as such, 
were in regard to the slave trade, by the Pennsylvania Abolition 
Society in 1813,^ 1818,^ and 1822;^ and by the Frankhn (Penn.) 
Manumission Society in 1827.^° The last named also asked for the 
freedom of the post nati. A petition for protection to the blacks 
was sent by the Delaware society in 18 16." The Tennessee Man- 
umission Society sent in 1823 memorials to Congress asking for 
the relief of the blacks, and for proscription of slavery in new 
states.^^ 

The petitions to the state legislatures sent by the various socie- 
ties for the amelioration of the condition of the blacks in each 
state will be more fully considered in connection with the detailed 
work of the societies themselves, as recorded in the reports of the 
American Convention. They embraced every sort of legislation 
for the benefit of the blacks, from a law for the punishment of the 
kidnapper of a free negro to a law for the immediate abolition of 

1 Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, ist Session, 709; The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, i. 142. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 409. 

3 Annals of Congress, i8th Congress, ist Session, 1756. 
* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 20. 

5 Ibid. 8. 68; see Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, p. 54. 

6 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, p. 60; The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, 8. 21, 22, 28, 38; Basil Hall: "Travels in North America," 3. 42-48. 

^ Edward Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," p. 59. 

8 Ihid. pp. 66, 67. 

9 Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, ist Session, 747. 
1" The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 145. 

11 Minutes of the American Convention, for 181 7, p. 18. 

12 Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, 2nd Session, 642; i8th Congress, ist Session, 
931; S.B. Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 236. 



126 Anti-Slavery Societies 

slavery. These petitions and memorials were, necessarily, pre- 
pared only in states where slavery was still legal; hence none 
were drawn in New England, nor in the West. The societies in 
New York and Pennsylvania, and in the Southern slave states, 
used this method in trying to arouse the interest of their fellow- 
citizens to the needs of the blacks. 

The negro schools of New York and Pennsylvania have already 
been considered.^ Few societies could do anything in this direc- 
tion, since in some states the education of even the free negro was 
prohibited, while in many the attempt to educate a slave was 
severely punished. In the North the black had, nominally, as 
much right in the public schools as the white, and he practically 
enjoyed it in the earlier days, in many places. No real opposition 
to the education of the blacks was made in these states until the 
later period. There were separate schools also in many places, 
supported by various methods, — some by bequests for the pur- 
pose, as a school in Boston, others by the benevolence of the 
blacks themselves, as in New Haven, and others by the benevo- 
lence of the whites. 

1 See above, pp. 73, 74. 



CHAPTER XII 

ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES : DETAILS OF WORK IN 
THE SOUTH 

Accounts of the work of each of the anti-slavery societies are 
often to be found in the columns of the " Genius of Universal 
Emancipation," and throw, in general, considerable light on the 
conditions in the various states in regard to the slavery question. 

Only one society in Delaware is reported at any length, the 
Abolition Society of Delaware, which was often represented in the 
meetings of the American Convention. It commonly gave evi- 
dence of Quaker influence, and was in existence during the earlier 
period of the anti-slavery contest. The reports sent to the American 
Convention speak in the strongest words against slavery, which is 
referred to as the "scourge of our country," the "moral pesti- 
lence," the "highest and most cruel despotism that the world has 
ever known." The "avarice and cupidity" which they felt were 
suffered to prevail over dictates of conscience, and the reasons of 
state and doctrines of expediency, which they saw in competition 
with the divine law of the Golden Rule, are especially denounced. 
The reports of the work done by this society include the releasing 
of many illegally held in bondage, the maintenance of schools for 
the manual, intellectual and religious education of the colored 
children, the presentation of petitions to the Legislature for a 
gradual emancipation act, and to Congress for protection to the 
blacks. These petitions failed of their object, but they were pre- 
sented again and again, at every favorable opportunity. In 1826 
the society advised its members to refuse to use the products of 
slave labor. At all times it complained of the lack of money for 
the various branches of its work, and before 1827 its operations 
had become much circumscribed on this account.^ 

1 Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the AboHtion of Slavery, for 
1809, pp. 19, 20; for 1817, pp. 17, 18; for 1821, pp. 17, 18; for 1823, p. 15; for 1826, pp. 
17, 18; for 1827, pp. 44, 45; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 81. 

127 



128 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 

The reports of two societies in the District of Columbia are 
found at considerable length: the Washington Anti-slavery So- 
ciety, and the Benevolent Society of Alexandria. In the first 
letter of the former to the American Convention, in October, 1827, 
the reason given for its foundation is the deep regret felt by the 
members at the thought that "slavery with all its horrors was 
countenanced in the capital of the country," and their object in 
uniting was that they might use all lawful means in their power to 
"wipe away that stain" for which they were so reproached by the 
European nations. They felt that if the principles of freedom 
could obtain a hold on the capital, the whole nation would be 
benefited, and therefore asked that all societies, and friends of 
humanity generally, should memorialize Congress at its next ses- 
sion, asking for gradual abolition in the District. From the 
"Genius" we learn that in 1828 the society addressed the citizens 
of the District advocating abolition, and to that effect circulated a 
petition, which in a few days had received more than five hun- 
dred names in Washington City and County alone. All the judges 
of the Court of the District signed it.^ 

The Benevolent Society of Alexandria announce in 1827 as its 
leading objects: i. to liberate those illegally held in bondage; 
2. to improve the condition of the free people of color; 3. to dif- 
fuse among the citizens more just views on the subject of slavery. 
The society was small, having but nineteen members in 1827 and 
twenty-two in 1828. It reported the rescue of negroes from the 
hands of slave traders, and the maintenance of Sunday Schools 
for colored children. In 1827 it considered that it was inexpedient 
to circulate a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District 
of Columbia; but in 1828 it reported that it had united with 
the Washington Society in such a petition, which was signed by 
two hundred "very respectable" citizens in Alexandria, and 
about eight hundred in Washington and Georgetown. The peti- 
tion was presented to Congress during the session of 1827-1828, 
but received no discussion. In 1827 warm approbation was given 
to the idea of colonization.^ 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, p. 56; The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, 8. 21, 22, 28, 38. This address is mentioned in Basil Hall: "Travels in 
North America," 3. 42-48. Nothing is however said in the address of 1829 on this point; 
see the Minutes of the American Convention, for 1829, p. 62. 

2 Ihid. for 1827, pp. 53-55; for 1828, pp. 59-60. Alexandria, now in Virginia, was at 
that time still included in the District of Columbia. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 129 

Another branch of the work of this society was the pubhcation 
of essays in the Alexandria Gazette, and in the " Genius," some of 
which were copied into other papers, both North and South. In 
one series of essays, printed in the "Genius" for 1827, slavery is 
denounced as an evil of the greatest magnitude, and the intention 
of the societies to destroy the evil is emphasized, although they dis- 
claim all intention of interfering with the constitutional rights of 
slaveholders. The comparative cost of free and slave labor, and 
the comparative prosperity of free and slave states are discussed, 
with the causes producing the results. Reference is made to the 
political tendency of slavery in the United States, and to the dan- 
gers of insurrection. The admission of Florida as a slave state is 
regarded as increasing the danger, because of the great room for 
slaves, and its nearness to Cuba. If Cuba were to become free 
under the control of the blacks, these writers felt sure that nothing 
but a large standing army would keep the mainland slaves in sub- 
jection, and that the North could not be expected to aid, if the South 
had not done its best to prevent the trouble. The last essay of the 
series describes the demoralizing effects of slavery, especially upon 
the children of the slaveholders.^ 

An anti-slavery society existed in Kentucky during the early 
part of the century, although before 1830 it had, apparently, been 
dissolved. Its aim was set forth in its first constitution, — "To 
have regard to free "TXegroes and mulattoes — to inculcate upon 
them the great duties of morality, industry and economy, and 
also the education of their children, by every and the best means 
they may be able to devise. To mehorate the condition of slaves 
by pursuing every method which may be in their power, under 
the constitutional laws of this state. To seek for justice in favor of 
such negroes and mulattoes who are held in bondage contrary to 
the existing laws of this commonwealth." In October, 181 1, in a 
letter to the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, the society in Ken- 
tucky refers to itself as an "infant" and speaks of that in Penn- 
sylvania as the mother to whom they could look for instruction 
and assistance. A memorial from the Kentucky society, pre- 
sented to the House of Representatives in 18 16, was relative to 
the colonizing of the free people of color on the pubhc lands. 
The committee to whom the memorial was referred reported ad- 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 221, 228, 235, 243, 252. 
9 



130 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 

versely, on the ground that since such lands were not granted to 
free whites they saw no reason for granting them to others. In 
182 1 the society resolved to publish a semi-monthly paper in the 
interests of abolition, under the name of the "Abolition Intelli- 
gencer." In the proposals for this paper extracts from the con- 
stitution are printed, and the announcement is made that no ad- 
vertisements will be received save such as relate to slavery. In 
1823 the paper was discontinued for lack of support.^ 

While detailed reports are found of only one society in Virginia, 
there were without doubt a number of others, for on more than one 
occasion reference is made to the "Virginia Convention," which 
was apparently a union of abolition societies meeting in conven- 
tion, and sending in that form their report to the " American Con- 
vention." The address from the one held in Winchester, Virginia, 
during three da.ys, of August, 1828, has a distinct note of discour- 
agement. "When we reflect that many of the most enhghtened 
men of America, have employed their time and talents for the 
laudable and magnanimous purpose of devising means by which 
African slavery might be ultimately abolished, we fear that our 
exertions (comparatively speaking) will be abortive and unavailing. 
However, we feel it our duty to contribute all that we possibly can 
to that great and noble cause, which ought to arrest the attention 
of every true philanthropist; and which so materially affects the 
vital interest and prosperity of our country. Never was there a 
subject which has more manifest claims on our compassion, benev- 
olence and humanity, than African degradation." That slavery 
is incompatible with the designs of an overruling Providence they 
feel must be acknowledged by all who have any claims to virtue, 
morality and religion. Many in Virginia would aid the cause 
were it not for the ridicule of others, whom the society character- 
izes as " prejudiced and interested persons, whose avarice obscures 
the sunshine of reason and benevolence; and whose nicest sensi- 
bilities are checked by a mere shadow — the fear of losing their 
popularity." Notwithstanding the impediments, however, the abo- 
litionists of Virginia intended to persevere to the end, feehng that 

" The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 96; 2. 167. Minutes of the 
American Convention, for 1812, pp. 16, 17 (Carter Tarrant was then its Presi- 
dent); American State Papers, Miscellaneous, Vol. 2, No. 395, p. 278. The proposals 
for the paper were in the Indiana Gazette, Corydon, Indiana, for Thursday, Nov. 29, 



AtUi-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 131 

so long as slavery was tolerated in the Union, there would be a 
stain on the flag which was regarded as an emblem of freedom/ 

The single Virginia society from which we have reports was in 
Loudon, where in 1823 the first steps were taken to form a society 
for the abolition of slavery. In 1824 it had twenty members, and 
a committee was appointed to draft a constitution, which should 
support gradual emancipation and emigration. In 1825 the society 
published an "Address to the Public" in which slavery was de- 
nounced, and emancipation and colonization strongly advocated. 
Aid is requested from the people, an appeal being made to their 
sense of justice, and to their love for their country and desire for 
its welfare.^ 

A call for a meeting to organize an anti-slavery society in Ten- 
nessee was sent out in March, 1797, but no account is found of 
any action previous to the foundation by Charles Osborn and 
others of the Manumission Society of Tennessee, at the house of 
Elihu Swain, in December, 1814. The more prominent names 
connected with its organization were Charles Osborn, Elihu 
Swain, John Underbill, Jesse Willis, John Canaday, John Swain, 
David Maulsby, John Rankin, Jesse Lockhart and John Morgan. 
It is claimed that a number of the members were at aU times in 
favor of immediate and unconditional emancipation, and that the 
society was first founded with that idea, though the constitution 
suggested no method. Almost immediately, however, either be- 
cause of weakness, and on considerations of expediency, or because 
of the real opinion of the majority of the members, the idea was 
abandoned, and gradual emancipation was distinctly advocated.^ 

The society held annual conventions, issued annual addresses to 
the people, and several times was represented in the American 
Convention, usually by Benjamin Lundy. In four successive 
years the convention sent memorials to Congress. The first, in 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, pp. 54, 55. 

2 Lundy considered it the first association of its kind in Virginia. The Genius of 
Universal Emancipation, 4. 2, 18S; 5. 85, 86. 

3 Julian : "The Genesis of Modern Abolition," in the International Review for June, 
1882; Stephen B. Weeks : "Southern Quakers and Slavery,"pp. 235, 237, note; William 
Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," pp. 76, 300; Historical Collections of Ohio, 
^- 337; Niles' Register, 14. 321. Theoriginal purpose of this society is said to have been 
immediate, unconditional emancipation, but no documentary evidence appears to be 
extant. Osborn, Underbill, Willis, Lockhart, and Rankin are said to have been the ones 
favoring immediate emancipation. They all moved later to the free states, Oshorri to 
Ohio in 1816, the rest later, — tJnderhill and Willis to Indiana, and Lockhart and Rankin 
to Ohio. 



132 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 

January, 1822, prayed for provisions for gradual emancipation in 
the District of Columbia, and that Congress would do all in its 
power to effect the final abolition of slavery in the United States. 
The memorial of 1823 prayed for the relief of the colored people, 
especially in the line of the prohibition of the interstate slave trade, 
and of the separation of families. A third memorial, in 1824, prayed 
for the prevention of the extension of slavery into states as yet free, 
and its proscription in any state formed or admitted in the future. 
The fourth, in 1825, was on the subject of the amehoration of the 
condition of the colored people, and the gradual abolition of 
slavery; it held that a law freeing the post nati would be within 
the powers of Congress ; it advocated abolishing slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia ; it called attention to the internal slave trade, the 
ignorance of the slaves and the lack of true marriage among them ; 
and it specifically petitioned for the prohibition of slavery in all 
new states.^ 

The general objects of the Tennessee society were set forth in the 
addresses of 1822 and 1823 as "a gradual reform of our laws, so 
as to soften the bonds of slavery to those who now groan under 
the yoke, and to avert the evil from generations yet unborn," and 
"the gradual abolition of slavery in our country." The work of 
the Tennessee conventions was much like that of the American 
Convention; addresses were prepared by the President for cir- 
culation among the churches or for general distribution; plans 
were discussed, reports given of the year's work, and, as we have 
seen in several cases, memorials and petitions prepared. The 
address sent to the American Convention in September, 1823, was 
very encouraging. The society at the time consisted of twenty 
branches, and the membership was supposed to exceed six hun- 
dred. The address to the Branches in 1824 speaks of some 
"lukewarmness" on the part of some of the members, but the 
attitude of the main society was earnest and uncompromising. 
" We have hoisted our ensign on which it is written that Slavery 
is wrong.'^ It was in this year that the first proposals were made 
for the publication of a paper, which was finally agreed upon in 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 142; 5. 409; Annals of Congress, 
17th Congress, ist Session, 709; 17th Congress, 2nd Session, 642; i8th Congress, ist 
Session, 931. No results appear from these memorials, save the reading in the House, 
and a reference to a Committee; S. B. Weeks: "Southern Quakers and Slavery," p. 
236, note. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 133 

the convention of 1825, under the name of "The Manumission 
Journal." ' 

The only other address of the Tennessee society to the American 
Convention is in 1828. It begins in these suggestive words: "7o 
the American Abolition Convention for promoting the rights of op- 
pressed man. Friends and Fellow-Advocates in the cause of suf- 
fering humanity." The address is signed by James Jones, who 
had been President for many years, and is in all probability the 
expression of his personal opinions, for that reason being perhaps 
of especial interest. He says : " I am very anxious that the friends 
of freedom may be firm and encouraged to persevere with Chris- 
tian fortitude in promoting the great cause of justice." He con- 
siders it strange that people "do not more seriously consider the 
interest of themselves and posterity." "I wish," he continues, 
"that the several Religious and Benevolent Societies could be pre- 
vailed upon throughout this Union, to consider the propriety of 
petitioning the several legislative Authorities on the all-important 
subject of negro emancipation, but more particularly to load the 
tables of Congress with such Memorials, not only referring that 
august body to the (little spot ten miles square) District of Co- 
lumbia over which Congress holds entire control. If Congress 
have power to regulate commerce between the several states, &c. 
let all friends of man solicit the Congress to pass laws to prohibit 
... the Internal Slave Trade." After a denunciation of the 
traffic he goes on: "It's time for the people to be roused to their 
duty, and ask their rulers to abolish such things in plain, explicit 
terms." ^ 

"The Moral, Religious Manumission Society of West Ten- 
nessee" was formed in December, 1824, to procure abolition by 
argument, and to raise money to spread the truth. Three articles 
of their constitution were as follows: "Art. 6. As we believe that 
enslaving our brethren is the greatest act of practical infidelity and 
is absolutely incompatible with the spirit of Christianity; and as 
we think that the Gospel of Christ if believed would remove per- 
sonal slavery at once by destroying the will in the tyrant to enslave, 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1823, pp. ry, 18; The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, i. 151; 2. 21; 4. 156, 157; 5. 42 (italics as in the original); William 
Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 76. See also the " Genius," 2. 23, 38, 40, 90, 109, etc.; 
4- 73; 5- SO- 

2 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, p. 57. 



134 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 

and as we believe that the glory is due to Christ alone, and that it 
cannot be given up to another, we do agree to hold it up to others 
to the best of our skill, so as to convince them of the truth. 
Art. 7. As we believe that slavery will exist while men of talents are 
willing to tyrannize, and as we are convinced that nothing but the 
moral or religious principle can make men unwilling to tyrannize, 
we therefore deem it unnecessary to make use of any other means 
but argument. Art. 8. None that own or hold slaves can be ad- 
mitted as members of this society." The membership seems to 
have been largest among the Scotch Highlanders of that part of 
the state, if we can judge by the Scotch names of the directors. 
In March, 1825, the society sent an address to the various man- 
umission societies of Tennessee, asking them to appoint July 4, 
1825, as jubilee, to celebrate it, and to send out missionaries to 
preach to slaveholders.^ 

A good number of anti-slavery organizations existed in Mary- 
land, most of which were considered as branches of the Maryland 
Abolition Society. This was formed in August, 1825, with Daniel 
Raymond as President, and Edward Needles as Secretary.^ There 
were, however, some earlier anti-slavery societies in the state. One, 
which was 'in existence from the summer of 1789 till 1796, had for 
its purpose the abolition of slavery and the relief of free^egroes 
unlawfully held in bondage. Its membership was large, and 
among the cultured class. ^ Another society in existence before 
1825 was a "Maryland Protection Society," which was perhaps 
merged in 1827 with the Baltimore Protection Society.^ The only 
record of the work of the earlier society is in 1818, when it is said 
that it had "lately had the glory to release a number of kidnapped 
black people and to restore them to freedom and their families." ^ 
The society in Newmarket, Maryland, held a quarterly meeting in 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 76, 142; Birney : "James G. Birney," 
p. 77. The only other notice of this society is in the Minutes of the American Convention, 
for 1826, p. 48, when the directors decided that an address sent to that body from the 
society showed sentiments not in accord with the convention, and it would not be best to 
print it. What these sentiments were is not hinted. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, j. 11, 13, 16, 20. 

^ The society was started in 1796 by Joseph Townsend, who with its first President, 
Philip liogers, and its first Vice-President, James Carey, was alive in 1825. The au- 
thority from which we learn of the society ("Life of Elisha Tyson. By A Citizen of Bal- 
timore") claimed that there was "hardly an old and venerable citizen now [1825] in ex- 
istence in Baltimore whose name was not enrolled among the number." 

* See the Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, p. 53. 

^ Niles' Weekly Register, 14. 192. 



Anti-Slavery Socielics: Details of Work in the South 



'6:) 



1828, and undoubtedly was in existence earlier. At one time it 
had declined in interest, but had rallied, and was prosperous in 
that year.^ 

The Maryland Abolition Society, which held its first meeting in 
1825, for several years made up an anti-slavery state ticket, pre- 
senting the name of Daniel Raymond as candidate from Baltimore 
to the General Assembly. While Raymond was never elected, he 
received a fair number of votes, and his candidacy gave an opening 
for anti-slavery addresses and pamphlets. He was pledged to 
endeavor to procure a gradual emancipation law for the state, and 
the society recorded it as its opinion that the only practical means 
of abolition in Maryland was the passing of a law to free the post 
nati. Committees were appointed in 1825 and 1827 (i) to draft a 
memorial to the Legislature of Maryland on the internal slave 
trade and slavery generally ; (2) to draft a memorial to Congress on 
abolition in the District of Columbia; and (3) to prepare an address 
to the religious societies of Maryland on the abolition of slavery. 
This society in its address to the American Convention in 1826 
speaks as strongly as any of its Northern contemporaries of the cru- 
elty of slavery, its debasing effect on the morals of the nation, and 
its direct denial of the principles of republican government.^ 

The avowed object of the society was the extinction of slavery, 
primarily in Maryland, but finally throughout the nation. The 
methods of work were : the investigation of the state of slavery, 
the publication and presentation of addresses, the circulation of 
anti-slavery publications, and the support of candidates for the 
Legislature who would enact laws to abohsh slavery. In 1827 
the society sent to the American Convention a brief historical sketch 
of slavery in Maryland, and an apparently unimpassioned account 
of the condition of the slaves at the time, with great stress laid on 
the prevalence of kidnapping. It also claimed that the most intel- 
ligent of the people in the state were beginning to be convinced that 
slavery was a curse to the state. The writers felt sure that the time 
was not far distant when the state would be willing to adopt a 
system of gradual emancipation.^ In October, 1828, the society 
lost ground because many workers were absorbed in the presi- 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 191; 5. 6 (monthly); 5, 68, 181 
(weekly). 

2 Ihid. 5. 20, 35; 7. 1,3; Minutes of the American Convcn'tion, for 1826, pp. 27, 28. 

3 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, pp. 48-51. 



136 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 

dential election, but the officers were still confident that the cause 
would in the end triumph, even over the pride and avarice which 
they saw impeding its progress. 

Two other societies in Maryland deserve mention: the Gun- 
powder Branch, which voted to have an anti-slavery library, and 
prepared an address to the citizens of Maryland on the evils of 
slavery;^ and the Baltimore Protection Society, which, hardly a 
year after its organization, reported a membership small in num- 
bers but of great zeal, and considerable success already in their 
work of redeeming those in illegal slavery.- In connection v/ith 
these organizations it is interesting to note that one formed in 1826 
is said to have been formed principally of persons not Quakers. 
The idea was somewhat prevalent then as now, that only the 
Quakers opposed slavery; this thought perhaps arose from the 
fact that they were the most numerous and active, and this state- 
ment and others were intended to combat this idea.^ 

Baltimore was also the home of the National Anti-Slavery Tract 
Society, which in 1828, according to their own account, had fifty 
members, all residents of slaveholding states, the officers nearly 
all from Maryland. Their work of publishing and distributing 
anti-slavery literature was performed earnestly and perseveringly. 
They employed agents in various parts of the United States to 
make the public acquainted with their proceedings, and also to 
urge abolition in the District of Columbia. In their address to the 
American Convention in 1828, they use the same strong expressions 
as do the others in their characterization of slavery: "the bar- 
barous system of African slavery." After giving a few facts in 
regard to the internal slave trade from Baltimore, they add : " These 
facts, though they furnish but a partial view of the true state of 
things, speak in tones of thunder, shewing the necessity of putting 
an end to this diabolical business. Can it be possible that Ameri- 
can Republicans, that professing Christians, will much longer sit 
with folded arms, and look upon such a horrible state of things 
without emotion?" In 1829 they reported that their work was 
retarded by the apathy of those around them, but they were not 
disposed to retire from the conflict.* 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 273. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention, for 182S, p. 53. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 36. 

^ The Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, pp. 44-52; for 1829, p. 61. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 137 

All the societies that have been mentioned were in the border 
states or those Southern states immediately bordering on them, 
and it is most probable that there were few or none in the true 
South, with the exception of North Carolina. This point should 
be borne in mind when the comparison between North and South, 
in regard to the number of societies, is made. In the states nearest 
the free states, where the results of the gradual emancipation acts 
of New York and Pennsylvania could be studied to the best ad- 
vantage, the societies were numerous, and in many cases large and 
vigorous. In the states farther South, where those results were 
less apparent, the societies were entirely wanting. The one excep- 
tion to this general rule was the state of North Carolina, where 
Lundy labored on his way to Baltimore for the organization 
of societies, and where thereafter there were a goodly number of 
earnest workers. The most active men of the period in that state 
were the Mendenhalls, Coffins' and Swaims ; and the societies were 
the most numerous in Guilford County. 

The Manumission Society of North Carolina, the central 
society, held its first public meeting in July, 1816; it had been 
preceded by four local societies, which perhaps had a good share 
in its organization. The majority of names found in connection 
with the central society are those prominent among the Quakers, 
but other traces of them are few; Osborn was doubtless instru- 
mental in forming branches. In 181 7, when colonization came 
under discussion, by that or some other influence a division was 
caused, and in spite of frequent meetings the society was, in 1823, 
on the verge of dissolution. It was at this time, or early in 1824, 
that the influence of Lundy became felt in North Carolina. He 
held fifteen to twenty abolition meetings, organized from twelve 
to fourteen abohtion societies, and gave to the Manumission Society 
a new impulse, abolition being in control and colonization in the 
background. In October, 1824, the society presented to Congress 
a memorial on the evils of slavery and the benefits of emigration.* 

Through the address of the society to the American Convention 
in 1826 we learn the attitude of the leaders, and the strength of the 
membership ; over forty branches were in existence, besides several 

1 The Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, p. 37; S. B. Weeks: "Southern 
Quakers and Slavery," pp. 234-240; Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 78; Earl: "Life of 
Lundy," pp. 22, 23; The Genius of Universal Emancipation 4. 7 (the iirst mention of 
the society in the paper), 78; 6. 91. 



13S Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 

associations of women, extending into seven or eight of the most 
populous counties of the state; the membership was more than 
two thousand, and the number still increasing. Their funda- 
mental principles were that emancipation must be gradual, ac- 
companied with foreign colonization, and should be universal. 
The active work of the society wasJ;o show slavery in all its glaring 
colors, its enormity, impolicy, danger and inconsistency with demo- 
cratic institutions and religion, until the people were aroused, and 
could be heard in the Legislature. At present the petitions to the 
General Assembly were laid on the table. A system of five laws 
was advocated : (i) prohibiting the importation and exportation 
of slaves; (2) permitting manumissions; (3) legalizing slave con- 
tracts for the purchase of freedom ; (4) providing for the education 
of the slaves; (5) providing that after a certain time all persons 
should be born free. The address in 1828 is in much the same tone, 
but no more encouraging, although the abolition sentiments had 
gained ground in unexpected quarters of the state, and the writers 
were confident that there was a latent sympathy in many hearts, 
only waiting to be roused into action. For this purpose they had 
been issuing pubhcations for general distribution, with the certain 
result that the subject was becoming more and more matter for 
familiar conversation, and less irritation was evident. In 1829, 
however, they speak of it as an "awfully delicate subject," and 
state their object much more mildly, possibly on that account. 
The society existed at least until 1834, but dechned from 1827, and 
finally lost its organization entirely save as a part of the Under- 
ground Railroad.' 

Only a few other societies in North Carolina are reported with 
any fullness. That of Guilford County was said in 181 8 to have 
been "lately" estabhshed;- others are merely named ^ in the 
"Genius" for 1824 and 1825. In 1825 the "Trotter's Creek 
Branch" sent an address to the people of the United States.* In 
1826 it was said that the formation of new societies was continu- 

' Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, pp. 32-39; for 1828, p. 66. See 
also the Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 364; S. B. Weeks: "Southern Quakers 
and Slavery," p. 241. The only North Carolina "publication for general distribution" 
which has been found is the "Address to North Carolina by the Managers of the Manu- 
mission Society of North Carolina on the Subject of Slavery," mentioned in the preceding 
chapter. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1S18, p. 21. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 11, 26, 51, 79. 

4 Ibid. 4. 158. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the South 139 

ally heard of, but later in this year opposition was shown to their 
organization in some parts of the state/ 

The Southern societies as a whole were not radical in their aims, 
nor increasingly active towards the latter part of the period, many 
even losing their existence after the struggle of 1820. Yet the 
years 1826 and 1827 saw the formation of many new societies. 
Individuals remained true to their allegiance, and took their share 
in the later struggle. One characteristic of the Southern anti- 
slavery society was the fact that a large proportion of them included 
slaveholders among their members, and for that reason they could 
not stand as strongly against the institution as those societies where 
a slaveholder was excluded because he was a slaveholder. These 
organizations therefore became either colonization societies, or 
merely protection societies, not advocating manumission, but 
amelioration; not abolition, but the keeping within legal bounds. 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 414; 6. 13. 



CHAPTER XIII 

ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES : DETAILS OF WORK 
IN THE NORTH 

For the history of anti-slavery there is an especial importance 
in the beginnings of aggressive anti-slavery work in those states 
which, later, were the great factors in the struggle for the freedom 
of the slave. The number of such societies was much smaller than 
in the South, and the reports of their action are vaguer ; and so far 
as can now be ascertained not many of the Northern states had a 
share in the work. In New England the only societies which can 
be traced were two in Massachusetts, and one each in Rhode 
Island and Connecticut. The other New England states were 
nearly free from slaves during the entire period, 1808-183 1, ^^'^^ 
it is not strange, in those days of slow travel, that the needs of the 
blacks in the remote South did not especially appeal to them. It 
seems that Massachusetts also should be included among these, 
since at no time after the formation of the Union was she a slave- 
holding state. But the two Massachusetts societies were in An- 
dover Seminary and Williams College, and very possibly owed 
their existence to those students who came from the South. It 
was certainly a student from Kentucky who directed the attention 
of the Andover Society of Inquiry into Missions to the work among 
the Africans in America, and thus gave an opening for the work 
of Leonard Bacon, which bore fruit in Connecticut at a later date. 

The Andover Society was hardly a regular anti-slavery society 
since it included both slavery and missions in its labors, and con- 
fined itself to the dissemination of intelligence on the subject, a 
work which it considered the best means of effecting either the 
liberation of the slaves or the amelioration of their condition.^ 

The Society at Williams College was formed for the purpose of 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, pp. 23-26; The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, 6. 83. 

140 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 141 

learning about slavery and the efforts for its abolition, and has 
every right to the name of an anti-slavery society, although it was 
not in a position to do much aggressive work. Most of the students 
in the college belonged to it, and they arranged not only for the 
investigation of slavery, but for anti-slavery addresses on the Fourth 
of July and on other occasions. The words against slavery in the 
single communication from this society are much stronger than 
those from Andover, although no belief in the wisdom of immediate 
emancipation is expressed.^ 

The only society in Connecticut of which we have even the 
briefest account is that in New Haven founded by Leonard Bacon 
in 1825. It exerted its efforts for religious worship and instruction, 
secular schools, a library and saving society, and for personal 
work in elevating the masses. Nothing seems to have been done 
for the emancipation of slaves, if we except a certain amount of 
patronage of the American Colonization Society, which many sup- 
posed to have that end in view.^ 

A society in Rhode Island appointed delegates in 182 1 to the 
American Convention. Of these only Thomas Hazard was present. 
The address sent with the delegate was of no importance as showing 
the attitude of the society, and nothing more is known of it.^ 

The three central Atlantic states. New York, New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, had each a state society, although that in New Jersey 
was disbanded in 1817. This society was organized early in the 
previous period, and secured the liberation of some negroes who 
had been illegally enslaved.* In 181 2 the branch society in Trenton 
lamented the falhng off of interest in the state, which caused a 
failure to hold any meeting, so that no delegates could be appointed 
to the American Convention of that year. The hope that the 
society might be reanimated was fulfilled for a brief time, but 
five years later it disbanded and no other New Jersey society is 
afterward mentioned. The Trenton society seems to have been 
the most active of its branches, but the only detail recorded of ils 
work is a petition sent shortly before the report in 181 2 to the 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, p. ig. 

- Address of Leonard W. Bacon before the Boston (Mass.) Ministers' Meeting, 
in igoo (not printed); also "Liberia," for Nov. 180Q, and Feb. 1900. The last two are 
reprinted in a separate pamphlet entitled "The Services of Leonard Bacon to African 
Colonization." 

3 Minutes of the .American Convention, for 182 1, pp. 38, 39. 

4 Ibid, for 1S09, p. 13. 



142 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 

Legislature of the state, in favor of increasing the penalty for sell- 
ing blacks out of the state/ 

The state body in New York, the New York Abolition Society, 
v/as founded in 1785, and remained among the most prominent in 
the American Convention throughout the entire history of that 
body. From the published addresses of this society quotations 
might be multiplied which would show an equal strength of anti- 
slavery sentiment, and equal vigor of expression and in many cases 
much the same wording as those already quoted from the Southern 
societies.^ To the exertions of this society was due, in large measure, 
the New York law which completely abolished slavery in 1827;^ 
other laws to improve the condition of the negroes, and to give a 
stronger penalty for kidnapping, were also passed under its in- 
fluence.' It supported two schools,^ one of which certainly is 
spoken of by m.any travelers as of superior quality.*' It also lib- 
erated many negroes unjustly held as slaves;^ between 1808 and 
181 2 those freed numbered one hundred and sixty-five, and at the 
latter date the society had forty-five cases on hand for investiga- 
tion. By 182 1 the members felt that they had accomplished 
practically all that was necessary in their own state, but retained 
their organization for the express purpose of doing all they could 
to cooperate with the societies in all the other states.^ After the 
final freedom act was passed they arranged for house to house 
visitation of colored families in New York, and a Dorcas society 
of colored women to sew for the needy, and they were planning 
a house of refuge for the children of dissolute colored parents.'^ 
They also sent petitions to Congress and to the New York Legis- 
lature in favor of abolition in the District of Columbia.^" 

. The fullest reports from any state society come from the Penn- 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1812, p. 12. 

2 Ibid, for 1809, pp. 6, 11; for 1812, p. 6; for 1821, p. 6; for 1823, pp. 5, 6; for 1825, 
pp. 6, 8. 

3 Ibid, for 1817, p. 6; for 1827, p. 32. 

* /6/^. for 1809, p. 9; fori8i2, p. 8; fori8i7, p. 6; for 1818, pp. 7-15 ; andfDri82i, 
p. 6. 

5 Ibid, for 1809, p. 10; for 1812, p. 7; for 1S17, p. 7; for 1818, pp. 7-15; for 1821, 
p. 6; for 1823, p. 6; for 1825, p. 8; for 1827, p. 34; for 1828, pp. 36-40; for 1829, 
p. 49. 

'* See above, pp. 73, 74 and note. 

7 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1812, p. 9; for 1818, pp. 7-15; for 1823, 
p. 6; for 1825, p. 9; for 1826, p. 13. 

s Ibid, for 1821, p. 6; for 1S27, p. 32. 

'J Ibid, for 1828, p. 39. 

1" The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 8. 68. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 143 

sylvania Abolition Society, one of the first founded, always aggres- 
sive and in the foremost ranks of the workers. In 1809 it reported 
it less easy to work in favor of the slaves, owing to the fact that its 
success in its own state had been so great that hundreds of slaves 
from the neighboring slave states went to Pennsylvania to secure 
their freedom. Many of these were honest and industrious, but 
too many served only to swell the list of paupers and criminals. 
By the majority of the people the resulting evils were laid to their 
society, who as a consequence determined to devote themselves 
entirely to the education of the blacks within its borders. Little 
money was spent for hterature, but the society supported several 
large schools in Philadelphia under the charge of various reli- 
gious denominations.^ In 181 2 it was decided to erect a building 
for a colored school, which was completed in 1813 at a cost of over 
$3000." Their main work in 1820 was an attempt to secure some 
of the public school money to be apphed to the education of the 
negroes.^ The labor for the education of the colored children was 
a source of gratification to the workers, for even as early as 182 1 
the report of their society says that notwithstanding their degraded 
origin, and low rank in society, there was a smaller proportion of 
the colored people than of the white chargeable as paupers to the 
community.* 

After 18 13 the society was comparatively less aggressive for a few 
years, owing to the death of many of the older members, and the 
belief of others that their work was virtually accomphshed in the 
passage of the gradual emancipation law and the arrangements 
for the education of the colored children.^ Still at all times they 
were quick to see and defeat any pro-slavery measure, as, for ex- 
ample, an attempt in the State Legislature, in February, 1813, to 
form a separate Black Code for the state." Before 1820, however, 
activity seems to have been renewed, for in that year a memorial 
was presented to the State Legislature, asking for immediate and 
total abolition in Pennsylvania. This now seemed feasible, as 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for i8og, pp. 14-17. 

2 Edward Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," p. 58. 

3 Ibid. p. 69; Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, p. 12. Their address 
to the American Convention says that this effort had failed, although they had Rood hope 
for the future. Needles says that the effort was successful. If successful at all, it must 
have been later. 

4 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, p. 13. 

5 Ibid, for 1817, p. g; Needles : "History of the Pennsylvania Society," p. 64. 
* Needles : " History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," pp. 60, 61. 



144 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 

through the working of the gradual emancipation act the num- 
ber of slaves had decreased/ In 1821 complaint was made " that 
a claim of some masters to a limited service from children of in- 
dented servants was upheld by some of the courts ; the complainants 
expected, however, that the Supreme Court would reverse the de- 
cision, or, if not, that the Legislature would apply a prompt and 
efficient remedy. The address to the American Convention in 
1827 gives a good account of the schools under the care of the 
society, and of a "shelter" in Philadelphia, for colored orphans, 
which was " unknown except to its philanthropic female sup- 
porters, and a few of their friends." ^ 

In 181 1 the society sent a memorial to the State Legislature 
asking for a law effectually to prevent kidnapping.'* Again in 1818 
another complaint was made of the insufiiciency of these laws, with 
the result in 1820 of procuring more stringent regulations.^ A 
memorial was presented to Congress in February, 18 13, against 
the slave trade,*' and in December, 1818, another on the same sub- 
ject received eight hundred signatures.' The failure to accom- 
plish the desired object did not discourage the society, for in 1822 
yet another memorial was sent to the same body, complaining of 
the continuance of the traffic.^ The utterances of the Pennsyl- 
vania Society in 1825 are especially strong against the domestic 
slave trade, which they declare should be put under the same ban 
as the foreign trade. "Can it be supposed," they ask, "that the 
same nation who punished her citizens with death for" the 
African slave trade, "would yet still permit a trade in the de- 
scendants of Africa born on her own soil ? . . . When we pro- 
nounced the slave trade to be piracy, did we not forever extin- 
guish our title to a slave? for is he not the product of that 
traffic?"^ In 1827 the words are still stronger; the domestic 
slave trade is characterized as "a cruelty scarcely equalled by 
the enormities of the African slave trade and for which our land 
cries aloud to heaven for judgment." "It is," the writers con- 

1 Needles: " History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," p. 70. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, p. 11. Indented females were chil- 
dren of registered slaves, freed by the gradual emancipation act at the close of their in- 
denture. For some court decisions on this point see chapter xx. 

3 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, pp. 35-39. 

* Needles: " History of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society," p. 59. 

5 Ibid. p. 68. 6 ji,id. p. 59. ^ Ibid. pp. 66, 67. 

8 Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, 1st Session, 747. 

8 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1825, p. 11. 



Anii-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 145 

tiniic, " the very parent of kidnapping. That such a barbarous 
violation of Christianity, and even the common decencies of hfe, 
should have been practiced in this age, will be looked at by our 
posterity, with as much surprise, as we now feel that your ances- 
tors could have tolerated the African trade." ^ 

Negroes claimed as fugitive slaves were at all times able to 
secure the most earnest aid of the Pennsylvania society, either from 
the organization or from individual members. In 181 7 fifty-three 
cases of fugitives came under their care ; thirty of these were rescued 
from slavery, and others were unsettled at the time of their report.^ 
In this year they sent a memorial to Congress in regard to the 
fugitive slave law.^ Their labors in behalf of these negroes 
resulted in 182 1 in the passage of a law by the Pennsylvania 
Legislature which was the germ of the personal liberty laws of the 
later period.* It gave a more formal trial to negroes claimed as 
fugitives, and prohibited justices of the peace and aldermen from 
ofliciating in such cases. Yet in 1827 they still complain of the 
insufficient trial required to prove a negro a slave. ^ 

The work of the society for those parts of the country less favored 
than their own in regard to the freedom of the negro was no less 
active than for the negro v/ithin their borders. In 182 1 the especial 
attention of the American Convention is called ^ to the question of 
abolition in the District of Columbia, the writers being convinced 
that Congress would be ready to consider it favorably, as, since 
that body had exclusive jurisdiction in that District, the continu- 
ance of slavery there was a reproach to the whole republic. The 
society felt that the time was ripe for successful agitation of the 
subject ; the American people had the power, and surely they could 
not want the will "to wipe off the stain upon their reputation, of 
suffering slavery to remain in the capital of a country justly boast- 
ing of its liberty." In 1823 attention is again called to this sub- 
ject,^ and in 1824 a memorial was sent by the Pennsylvania society, 
praying for the total abohtion of slavery in the District.^ 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, p. 38. 

2 Ibid, for 181 7, p. 9. 

3 Ibid. p. 11; Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Society," p. 65; Annals of 
Congress, 14th Congress, 2nd Session, 96. 

4 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, pp. 11, 12. 

5 Ibid, for 1827, p. 37. 6 Ibid, for 1821, p. 15. 7 Ibid, for 1823, p. 13. 

8 Annals of Congress, i8th Congress, ist Session, 1756. It was read and referred, 
and a week later laid on the table (^Ibid. 1792). 



146 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 

The address ^ of the society to the American Convention in 
182 1 is of interest, because it comes immediately after the close 
of the great Missouri struggle. The writers felt it a matter for 
congratulation that although success had not attended all their 
efforts, yet "much benefit had resulted from their exertions." 
Limits had been set to the extension of the evil in our western 
territory, and if the same spirit which dictated the late resistance 
to slavery should continue to be exerted, "me shores of the Pacific 
and a large extent of territory on the Missouri and Mississippi" 
would be "saved from this scourge of humanity." It is well to 
compare with this optimistic view of that contest that of the New 
York Abolition Society, expressed in its address ^ of the same year, 
where it bemoans the "failure in Congress of the attempt to fix 
limits to the further extension of slavery in our Southern and 
Western borders." By 1825 the feeling of the Pennsylvania society 
with regard to affairs in the West seems somewhat changed ; ^ for 
they express their feeling that events in that section of the coun- 
try show a "most deplorable ignorance respecting the baneful 
effects of slavery"; and claim that "perhaps at no period w^re 
the effects of Philanthropists more necessary to enhghten the 
public mind than the present," though in regard to the struggle in 
Illinois in particular, they " are well assured that it will be opposed 
by the United efforts of the Wise and Good." In 1825 the tone 
is more encouraging, as the society speaks very hopefully of the 
prospect of two more states "erasing the stain of slavery from 
their escutcheon." 

The first mention of slavery in Florida is made in 1827, when the 
hope is expressed * that so fine a country might be saved from the 
curse of an enslaved population, or, at least, such measures adopted 
as w^ould prevent its increase and promote its abolition. The 
question of colonization was brought up in 1818, when the Penn- 
sylvania society requested ^ the American Convention of that year 
to investigate the plan, to see if it "would subserve the interests of 
humanity" or would have the effect of perpetuating slavery in 
the United States. 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 182 1, p. 10. 
- Ibid. p. 8. 3 U)i^ for 1823, p. 11. 

* Ibid, for 1827, p. 37. 

5 Ibid, for 1818, pp. 18, 47, 69; Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Society," 
p. 66. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 147 

Several other societies were in existence in Pennsylvania during 
this period. One in Centerville 'was probably organized in 1818, 
that being the date when it is first mentioned/ Nothing is known 
of its work, however, except a preamble and resolutions adopted 
in 1826: ^^ Whereas slavery is an evil of great magnitude threat- 
ening to involve our country in the horrors of insurrection, and 
this fact is acknowledged by all. Resolved, that it is the duty of all 
to unite to help to abolish it; that we would approve of Congress 
laying off a tract for settlement by those not wishing to emigrate; 
and highly approve of Congress appropriating one million dollars 
annually to aid the states to remove their slaves, providing the 
states would pass laws for the gradual abolition of slavery." ^ 

The society in Chester County, Pennsylvania, was formed in 
1820, and originated in a desire to assist those illegally held in 
slavery and also to raise the standard of the free negro. Within 
a year they were instrumental in rescuing from slavery a free black 
confined in a jail in Belle Air, Maryland.^ In 1823 they went one 
step farther in advocating gradual emancipation, but they hesitated 
at immediate emancipation where blacks were numerous. Never- 
theless they advocated in Delaware, Maryland and the District of 
Columbia, "absolute and immediate emancipation" as not only 
safe but wise.* From this society came some of the most active 
members of the American Convention: — Lea Pusey, Abraham 
Alarshall and Benjamin Pennock. 

The society in West Middletown, Pennsylvania, was said in 
1826 to consist "of a very respectable number of citizens," and 
to be "cheerfully disposed to receive other respectable citizens who 
may wish to lend their names and influence for abolishing (so far 
as is legally practicable) that unjust and wicked practice of man 
enslaving his fellowman." ^ 

The Frankhn (Penn.) Manumission Society in February, 1827, 
found the friends of emancipation and colonization increasing in 
numbers and in their exertions. The society was organized on 

* Minutes of the American Convention, for 1818, p. 29; The Genius of Universal 
Emancipation, vol. 4, supplement III. 

- The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 131. The resolutions are signed by 
Lewis Morris. 

3 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, p. 37. 

^ Ibid, for 1823, p. 21. The society was represented by delegates at each of these 
conventions. 

5 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 364. 



148 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 

January i, 1827, and at once sent two petitions to the Legislature 
and to Congress, praying for the destruction of the slave markets, 
and for the freedom of the post nati. The members also determined 
to support at the next election only such candidates as favored the 
anti-slavery cause. This is one of the earliest suggestions of the 
political organization of the abolitionists/ 

At a "convention of Delegates from Western Pennsylvania," 
held in Washington, Pennsylvania, on June 26, 1826, delegates 
were sent to the American Convention, and measures were taken 
Rooking to an annual assembly at the same place.- For two years 
after the first society in that part of the state was organized all the 
energies of the friends of anti-slavery were exerted in attending to 
individual cases, and in acquiring information; from that time a 
more lively interest manifested itself, and committees were ap- 
pointed to draw the attention of the pubHc more generally to the 
subject. These committees delivered lectures at many places on 
the evil of slavery from the moral, religious and political stand- 
] oints, urged universal emancipation, and met all objections. As 
a result, in the few counties concerned, the societies increased. 
In 1827 they numbered ten or twelve, several of which were large 
and prosperous, with more constantly forming. Another result 
was a great increase in interest, even among those not joining the 
societies. "We view," say the representatives of this Convention, 
" the cause of emancipation as one which above all other pohtical 
considerations is worthy the serious attention of the American 
people. One which, owing to the deep and lasting interest this 
Union would derive from its accomplishment, deserves our hearty 
cooperation and support." 

The fact that so large a proportion of the residents of the North- 
western states came from the slave states for the express purpose 
of escaping from the evils of slavery, may account in some meas- 
ure for the number and radical tone of the anti-slavery societies 
there, as compared with some other parts of the Union. The 
earliest report from an Ohio society was that of the "Female As- 
sociation for the benefit of Africans in Cincinnati, Ohio," in 182 1, 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 141;. 

2 For the reports of this convention see Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, 
pp. 58, 59. Delegates were sent to this latter bodv in 1S26 and 1827, and in 1827 an 
address was prepared by a special committee, which gave in brief the history of the 
movement. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 149 

stating that it had established Sunday Schools, and made earnest 
efforts to raise the money necessary for their support/ 

The society meeting at "Sunsbury meeting house, Monroe 
County, Ohio," in 1826 desired to do all that was possible toward 
the entire abolition of slavery by refraining from slave produce; 
by pubhshing essays, original or selected, in order "to throw light 
on the subject and to show that slavery is incompatible with the 
principles of Christianity and contrary to sound policy"; by 
doing all possible for the relief of the blacks in Ohio, through en- 
deavors to remove the prejudice against them; and by petitioning 
the Legislature for the repeal of all laws opposed to the full equal- 
ity of blacks with whites.^ The attitude of this society, both in its 
pubhshed addresses and in its constitution, is extremely radical. 
"We believe," they say, "slavery a crime of the deepest dye that 
ever did, or ever will disgrace any people, and that wherever equal 
rights and equal privileges cease there slavery begins; and we 
also believe that the conscious receiver is as bad as the thief, 
and therefore, if we act the part of true philanthropists we cannot 
partake of the products of slavery." By their constitution "no 
person shall be admitted to membership unless he is in unison with 
the following propositions, ist. I am opposed to every species 
of slavery. 2nd. I am willing to do all I can, consistently, towards 
the abolition of slavery. 3rd. When any of this class shall be- 
come free, I wish them to partake of the common privileges of other 
free citizens." 

A society newly formed in New Lisbon, Ohio, published in 
1826 an address on the evils of slavery, and the necessity of gradual 
emancipation as the only safe course.^ A little later the society 
was said to have more than five hundred members.* Members of 
the "Columbiana Abohtion Society" of New Lisbon,^ resolved 
in July, 1827, to withhold their votes from all persons who were 
not decidedly opposed to the system of slavery, and who would 
not use every lawful effort to remedy the evil.*' 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 94. 

- The Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826 (p. 49) contains a communica- 
tion from this society which sets forth clearly its aims and beliefs. See also the Genius of 
Universal Emancipation, 6. 122. 

^ The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 123. 

4 Ihid. 6. 182. 

5 This society was in the same place as the one last mentioned, and may have been the 
same society, called by another name. 

6 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 7. 29. 



I50 Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work {in the Not. 

According to many publications of the time there were numerous 
societies in Uhnois ; one in Edwardsville exerted an influence during 
the struggle in that State. No records of work were sent to the 
American Convention, however, and but little is known of them. 
They were apparently not very active or radical, and they may 
have been disbanded early in the period. 

The question of the comparative worth of free and slave labor 
is one that early engaged the attention of controversiahsts, and 
many pamphlets were written to prove the dearness of slave labor. 
During the latter part of the period 1808-183 1 vigorous attempts 
were made to induce the friends of abolition to refuse to use the 
products of slave labor. In 1826 the American Convention in its 
address to the abolition societies in the United States advised that 
all friends of the slave should give a preference to articles produced 
by the labor of freemen, for the purpose of creating a market for 
such produce and of keeping the fundamental principles of anti- 
slavery before the minds of the people.^ At least two societies 
made this object their specific purpose. The Delaware Free Labor 
Society, which was still in its infancy in September, 1827, believed 
that the slaveholders would substitute free labor for slave if they 
were convinced that they would gain by the change, and that the 
end sought by all abohtionists, universal emancipation, might be 
reached in this way. The aim of the society was to induce the 
people of the slaveholding districts to try the experiment, as an 
object lesson to the opponents of abolition. Some felt that this 
discrimination might lead to resentment rather than to conviction, 
but the society felt that this would be avoided if no premium were 
placed on free labor. Many of the officers of this society were 
also active in the American Convention and in the Delaware 
Abolition Society.^ 

Another like organization was the ' Free Produce Society of 
Pennsylvania. In a communication ^ to the American Conven- 
tion in October, 1827, it is stated that the members of this society 
had for some time studied the progress of abolitionism, and having 
remarked the great difference of results in the ditTerent parts of 
the country, they began to investigate more closely to discover, the 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, p. 44. 

2 Ibid, for 1827, p. 46. 

3 Ibid. pp. 40-43. The address is signed by the Vice-President, who is also a delegate 
to the American Convention from the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, Benjamin Tucker. 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 151 

cause. They had come to the conclusion that the comparative 
value of slave and free labor was a great factor in determining this 
difference; those Northern states in which slave labor was mani- 
festly less profitable had already freed their slaves; the Border 
states would have done the same had it not been for the impulse 
to slave breeding through the demand for slaves by the South. If 
then it could be shown that in this last group of states also, slave 
labor was less profitable than free, a great victory for freedom 
would be won. The first object of their association was, therefore, 
to create a demand for free produce, which would of itself bring a 
supply. They fear that the growing factory system of the North, 
dependent on the raising of cotton at the South, would deaden the 
love of freedom among Northerners, and that some of the em- 
ployers of slave labor would be more incensed than convinced. 
Still, since the familiar method of attempting to convince slave- 
holders of the injustice of slavery had not yet succeeded, they thought 
it their duty to bring into action the stronger incentive of self- 
interest. At this time the society had about sixty-five members, 
and William Rawle was its President. * 

In 1829 the establishment is reported of a number of "female 
associations" in Pennsylvania for the use of free cotton. In Jan- 
uary of that year there were but thirteen names, in November, 
over one hundred.^ In 1830 the colored men of Philadelphia 
formed a society for the purpose of encouraging free labor. Two 
hundred and thirty names were signed to the constitution at the 
first meeting.^ 

Very early, stores were opened in the centers of anti-slavery 
interest, where one could be sure of obtaining whatever free prod- 
uce was obtainable. A circular dated August 5, 1826, and signed 
by Michael Lamb and Benjamin Lundy, denounces slavery and 
claims that the conviction of greater profit in free labor would be a 
great factor in causing slavery to cease ; they then announce that 
they have opened a "mercantile house" in Baltimore for the pur- 
chase and sale on commission of all articles of free produce, partic- 
ularly groceries (excepting "spirituous liquors").* A month later 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 7. 2, 11. See also the Minutes of the Ameri- 
can Convention, for 1829, pp. 57, 58. 

2 Minutes of the America'^ Convention, for 1829, p. 57. 

3 The Genius of Univ^.sal Emancipation, 11. 163. , 
* Ibid, s- 388. 



52^^, 



\ 152 ^^iti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 

I^imdy withdrew from the business, not because of doubt of its 
value^^uccess, but because it would interfere too much with his 
other occupations/ 

The Delaware Free Labor Society intended to keep a stock of 
groceries, but was not able to procure them in sufficient quantities 
to compete with slave produce, excepting in the case of coffee." 

In 1829 and 1830 many free produce stores are mentioned: a 
M)akery ^ in Bordentown, New Jersey ; a store * in Egypt, New 
"^ Jersey ; another ^ in New York City, where one could purchase 
free-growQ cottol^, ^ice, sugar, etc. There were several in Phila- 
delp^CI^Jd^xamp]^^ bakery," a grocery store,' a store ^ where 
cottonlHk| number ol^her things might be found, while the first 
store ^ of mis sort for dry goods exclusively was in Philadelphia. 

Two institutions for the pur^^ of educating slaves for freedom 
are mentioned in these years. ^Bpi advertisement ^^ appeared in 
October, 1825, for eight or ten negro slaves of steady habits, with 
their families, to forrn t^ nucleus of a^nstitution of this sort under 
the charge of the '^^^||^|||^nng Lot*| Society of Kentucky." 
In the same year Frances V^^^t suggest«||die same principle, ad- 
vertising ift^he " Genius" an estabhshment^Peducate freed blacks, 
to'>be locateQ|B|^est Tennessee. This was supported by a goodly 
number of persHU, among whom was George Flower, and, it was 
claimed, Lafayette. A letter from a Presbyt»|p clergyman in 
South Carolioj^ written early in 1826, saYS that^^rst company 
of slaves for tMkinstitution went from y ore. Distrro|jrm that state. 
The scheme was not so well supported as had been Mfced ; many 
claimed that while the purpose was ostensibly anti-slav^rv it was in 
reality a fraud, and carried on entirely for the benefit W the pro- 
prietor; that the educ~g.tion was a farce, and that the nQg|oes re- 
mained in reality slaves^^»Dthers defended her; and for^arly a 
year the war of words continued, with no definite result at th^^st. 
At this late day it seems imp^sible to tell whether the estiuirsh- 
ment was a fraud or merely a failure.^ ^ JL 




One great difference between the societies of these years 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 8. 

} Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, p. 47. ^ 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 10. 84. ^ ^||^^ 

.^ 4 Ihid. 5 ihid^ 10. 7. ^ 6 Ibid. lo^la 

^^"^Ibid. 10. 103. 8 7Jj^. 10. 58. .^^ 9 Ibid. 11. 25 

10 Ibid. 5. 56, and later. • ^» 

'1 Ibid. 5. 117, 126, 164, 188, 275, 301, 324, 365; 6. 21, 14-^ 177. 



^5 



Anti-Slavery Societies: Details of Work in the North 153 

those after 1831 is the entire lack of centralization. With the 
foundation of the American Anti-Slavery Society came that cen- 
tralization which made it able to plan and execute, through its 
agents and auxiliaries. To a very slight extent the early societies 
in each state were bound together by a central organization. 
Usually however, this union was no mo e than a convention of dele- 
gates from the various independent societies. The national organ- 
ization, the American Convention, was, as its full name signifies, a 
"convention of delegates from abolition societies," and was power- 
less to execute, although able in some degree to plan and recom- 
mend. Money was difficuU to raise in sufficient quantities, since 
the central body had no authority to demand from any society the 
quota assigned to it. . 



CHAPTER XIV 

THE AMERICAN CONVENTION 

The first meeting of a national anti-slavery society was held in 
Philadelphia, January i, 1794, under the title "American Conven- 
tion of Delegates from Abohtion Societies," or, after the new con- 
stitution of 1818, 'The American Convention for Promoting the 
Abolition of Slavery, and improving the Condition of the African 
Race." ^ In the same constitution which gives us its distinctive 
name we read also of the representation ; it was to be from societies 
associated to protect the free blacks, or to promote the abolition 
of slavery in the United States. From the first it was practically 
representative, composed (in 1794) of delegates from societies in 
Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Delaware (2), Maryland (2), and Virginia,- Until 1806 the meet- 
ings were annual, although none were held in 1799 and 1802; in 
1806 they decided to meet triennially, and met in accordance with 
this decision, in 1809, 1812, and 1815. The meeting of 1815 was 
immediately adjourned to 1816; after this date they held biennial 
meetings until 1829. Many of these were adjourned to a date a 
year later, a custom which gave the practical effect of annual 
meetings for several years. ^ In all, twenty-four conventions were 
held in the thirty-six years 1794 to 1829, inclusive. From 1830 to 
1837 no meeting was held, although calls were occasionally issued ; 
in 1838 the Pennsylvania society issued a call to those societies 
known to have been represented in the last Convention, to meet and 
make arrangements for the future; delegates from New York, 
Pennsylvania and Delaware met, and, "after mature considera- 
tion," it was there determined that "as the great object for 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 155. It is on account of the name as 
here given, by which the Convention was known for the greater part of the period, that 
the writer has preferred to use the words "American Convention," rather than "Con- 
vention of Delegates," used by some writers. 

2 William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 408; "William Lloyd 
Garrison, 1805-187Q," i. 80. 

3 Thus the regular meetings were held in 1815, 1817, i8iq, 1821, 1823, 1825, 1827 
and 1829; and the adjourned meetings in 1816, 1818, 1826 and 1828. 

154 



The American Convention 155 

which that body was originally organized did not appear likely 
to be further promoted by its longer continuance, the Conven- 
tion had better be then dissolved." ^ 

Not all abolition or anti-slavery societies were represented in 
these conventions. According to the Reports the only societies 
invariably represented between 1808 and 1829 were those of New 
York and Pennsylvania, while more than half of the societies rep- 
resented each year were in Pennsylvania and the states further 
north. It is true that neither in the extreme North nor in the 
extreme South was there a decided interest shown in the American 
Convention; still it was at least as great in the North as in the 
South, as will be seen by an examination of the accompanying 
table showing the location of the societies represented during the 
period.^ Next to New York and Pennsylvania was Delaware, 
which missed but five of the thirteen conventions, and to one of 
these sent an address on the work of the year. Maryland was 
represented in six conventions. The total of different organiza- 
tions^ represented is seventy-one; of this number thirty-nine 
were Northern, twenty (nearly two-thirds of the remainder) from 
the two Border states of Delaware and Maryland; while only 
twelve, or about one-sixth, were from the states which later pre- 
ferred slavery with independence. Eleven other societies at one 
time or another sent communications without delegates : four in the 
North (two in Massachusetts and two in Ohio), three in Delaware 
and Kentucky, and the remaining four in the South. The con- 
clusion is then that more than half of the total representation came 
from the Northern states, two-sevenths from the Border states, 
and only a trifle under one-fifth from the lower South. 

Each society was entitled to ten delegates, and all usually ap- 
pointed the whole number, but the attendance was always small, 
and spectators may have been counted among the delegates. 

One of the most interesting as well as one of the most important 

1 Edward Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania Society for ... Abolition of 
Slavery," pp. 96, 97. These statements, save the two credited, are based on the published 
minutes of the meetings, and differ somewhat from the estimates of Mr. Birney and some 
others. 

2 The table is compiled from the minutes of the Conventions ; it will be seen to dis- 
prove the somewhat prevalent idea that the Convention was a strictly Southern organi- 
zation. 

3 It is not easy to be sure of the exact number of societies represented at the meet- 
ings, although the names of those naming delegates are given, and often others sending 
communications; for these were in many cases sent from a convention of societies, as that 
in Virginia, or by a state association with many local branches, like the one in Tennessee. 



156 



The American Convention 



THE REPRESENTATION IN 



1809 


1812 


1816 


1817 


1818 


1819 


1821 


New York 


New York 


N. Y. 


New York 


New York 


N. Y. 


New York 


Pennsylvania 


Pennsylvania 


Penn. 


Pennsvlvania 


Pennsvlvania 


Penn. 


Pennsylvania 




(Kentucky i) 




(Kentucky i) 


Columbia, Penn. 




Chester Co., 
Penn. 


New Jersey 


Trenton, N. J. 










Providence, 
R. I. 


Delaware 


(Delaware i) 


Del. 


Delaware 

[Kent Co., Del.2] 

Easton, Md. 


Delaware 

[Kent Co., Del.2] 

[Easton, Md.p 




Delaware 


4 


5 


3 


6 


6 




S 



1 These societies sent communications but appointed no delegates. 

- These societies sent communications and appointed delegates, but none were present. The So- 
or main societies with many branches. Possibly others were also. Four societies are distinctly men- 

The name of a state alone in the above tables means the main society in the state, having that name 
e. g., Columbia, Penn., are placed separately, and, in general, after the state society. They are never 

parts of the work of these conventions was the hearing of reports 
from the societies, and from the committees appointed for specific 
purposes. Many significant extracts from the reports of the societies 
have been given above. The reports from the Acting Committee 
of each Convention are exceedingly instructive, since this com- 
mittee was appointed at one session to hold over to the next, and 
was therefore the vital part of the Convention. 

The report of 1821 will serve as an example.' In December, 
1820, the committee had published and distributed one thou- 
sand copies of a pamphlet containing the speeches of Taylor and 
Talmadge in the House, and Rufus King in the Senate ; the report 
of a committee from the Delaware Society respecting the consti- 
tutionality of congressional prohibition of slavery in new states; 



1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 182 1, pp. 24, 25. 



The American Convention 



157 



THE AMERICAN CONVENTIONS 



1823 


1825 


1826 


1827 


1828 


1829 


New York 


New York 


New York 


New York 


New York 


New York 


Pennsylvania 


Pennsylvania 


Pennsylvania 


Pennsylvania 


Pennsylvania 


Pennsylvania 


Chester Co., 




Western Penn. 


Western Penn. 






Penn. 












Providence 


Providence 


Providence 


Penn. Free Prod. 


Penn. Free Prod. 


[Penn. Free 


R. I. 


R. I. 


R. I. 






Prod .-'J 


Delaware 




Delaware 


Delaware 


Nat. Anti- 
Slavery Tract 


Nat. Anti- 
Slavery Tract 


Tennessee 


Tennessee 


(W.) Tenn. 


Wilmington 
Free Labor 


Tennessee 






Maryland 


Maryland 


Maryland 


Maryland 








(Sunsbury, 


Salem, O. 


Baltimore 








Ohio 1) 




Protection 








(Andover 


(Columbiana 










Sem., Mass.') 


Soc, Ohio 1) 










(Williams College, 


(Alexandria ■) 




Alexandria 






Mass.i) 












No. Carolina 


(Greensboro 

N. C) 


(No. Carolina i) 


(No. Carolina i) 






Loudon. Va. 


Va. Conven. 


Va. Conven. 










Washington 


Washington 


Washington 


6 


5 


12 


13 


10 


7 



cieties of Western Penn., Tennessee, Virginia and No. Carolina, were either "Conventions" of societies 
tioned by name as those in Western Penn. in 1826; how many were unrepresented we cannot tell, 
in the reports : e. g., the New York Abolition Society. Societies in any particular parts of a state, as, 
placed before, but sometimes appear in the same line when the main society was not represented. 

and a letter from John Jay on the subject. They also printed and 
distributed seven hundred copies of the minutes of the preceding 
Convention. They prepared a memorial setting forth the neces- 
sity for an alteration of the Missouri Constitution to prevent the 
introduction of slavery and to guard the rights of the free colored 
man there, and sent it to John Sergeant, a Representative from 
Pennsylvania, to be presented if he thought best. Apparently the 
right time never came, as it was never presented. They also 
speak of a sub-committee which was to appeal to the members of 
the Pennsylvania Legislature from Philadelphia, to instruct the 
Senators from Pennsylvania to oppose the admission of Missouri 
as a slave state. Correspondence had also been carried on during 
the period with the societies in Kentucky. 

An important work of this committee was the printing, or pur- 
chase, and circulation of tracts, essays, etc., on the subject of 



158 The American Convention 

slavery, with the object of arousing the consciences of the people 
by giving them light on the true nature of the institution. Copies 
of Clarkson's History of the Slave Trade were in this way given ^ 
to the President and Vice-President of the United States, to the 
Secretary of State, and to the Congressional Library, in 1809. 
In 181 7 this publication was more widely circulated, seven hun- 
dred and fifty being subscribed for by the New York Society, and 
six hundred and thirty-five by that in Pennsylvania, besides one 
hundred purchased by the Convention itself, for circulation in 
Kentucky and Tennessee, and others sent elsewhere by the Acting 
Committee.^ 

The principal business of the sessions of the Convention was 
first the passing of resolutions, nearly all of which called for the 
appointment of committees, and second, the hearing of the reports 
of these committees later in the session. A committee of arrange- 
ments was appointed at the first meeting of each session, to which 
nearly all business proposed was referred without discussion. This 
committee, after deliberation, presented to the Convention in the 
form of Resolutions such matters as seemed to them appropriate 
for discussion during the meetings. 

The topics discussed were many. The circular address to the 
Abolition Societies was always an important item. Addresses to 
the citizens of the United States, or to the clergy, were often dis- 
cussed, and sent out under the authority of the Convention. Me- 
morials to Congress, and to the various State Legislatures, were 
often considered, and their subject matter, if not their exact word- 
ing, adopted by the vote of the delegates. It may be interesting to 
note the different subjects considered in these meetings in addition 
to their routine business. In 1809 no item of business seems to 
have been considered apart from the recommendations to the 
societies. These recommendations, incorporated in the address, 
were with reference to kidnapping, the education of the blacks, 
the publication of tracts and pamphlets, and the importance of 
an increase in the number of societies. 

In 1816 the first Convention memorial tc Congress was adopted, 
and the question of colonization was mooted. In 181 7 colonization 
was further discussed, and pubhcations agamst slavery were sub- 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for iSoy, p. 32. 

2 Ibid, for 181 7, pp. 20, 32. 



The American Convention 159 

scribed for. In 1818 came still another discussion of colonization, 
and a memorial to Congress. In 182 1 the Convention seemed more 
wide awake; a committee was appointed to collect the slave laws 
of the different states, and the topics under discussion were, the 
oppression of the free blacks in the slave states, kidnapping, the 
interstate slave trade as affected by the acquisition of Florida, a 
plan for gradual emancipation, voluntary emigration to Hayti, and 
memorials to Congress on these and kindred topics. In 1823 the 
discussion turned upon abolition in the District of Columbia, 
another plan for gradual emancipation, the Colored Seamen's Act 
in South Carolina, the publication of a periodical paper, and upon 
memorials on the interstate slave trade and slave testimony in the 
courts. 

In 1825 a larger number of resolutions than usual were pre- 
sented by individuals on abolition in the District of Columbia, the 
illegal introduction of slaves into the United States, universal abo- 
lition. State emancipation acts, education of the blacks, coloniza- 
tion of the blacks on the public lands, and the promotion of free 
labor. A plan for general emancipation, with a sort of coloniza- 
tion, offered ^ by W. L. Stone, embracing also the amelioration of 
the condition of the slaves while yet in bondage, in the direction of 
legal marriages, prohibition of the separation of families, and edu- 
cation of the children, was the most noteworthy of the new topics 
presented in 1826. The topics in 1827 were in general the same: 
abolition in the District of Columbia, right of slaves to trial by jury, 
education of free black children, the question of slavery in Florida, 
the domestic slave trade and kidnapping, free labor, a plan for 
gradual emancipation, slave marriages and slave testimony in the 
courts.^ In 1828 a step in advance was the appointing of special 
committees, in addition to the Acting Committee, to hold over 
to the next session. These were to investigate and report on, 
first, the African slave trade, second, the domestic slave trade, 
third, the state of slavery in the United States, fourth, the Black 
Codes in the United States, and fifth, kidnapping. 

The Convention felt that one of the most important means of 

1 The large proportion of the business of the adjourned session of 1826 was the com- 
pletion of the unfinished business of 1825. 

- In the session of 1827 a considerable amount of business was discussed which re- 
mained from 1826, either because the time had been too short, or because committees 
needed more time for their investigations. 



i6o The American Convention 

spreading the sentiment for abolition was the banding together of 
those already convinced of its necessity, to form a nucleus around 
which others might gather, as they became converts. Through 
these gatherings the Acting Committee of the American Conven- 
tion could more easily reach those yet uninterested, while the 
meetings and publications of the local societies would be a possible 
means of awakening their neighbors. The increase of the societies 
was thought of great importance in 1817, 1818, 1821, and especially 
in 1826, and circulars were sent to various individuals in the dif- 
ferent states to encourage their formation.^ In 1826 the address 
incited the societies to do all they could to stimulate their friends, 
neighbors and connections in different localities to institute manu- 
mission or abolition societies.^ In 1827 it is declared that there are 
no better means of promoting the object of the Convention than 
the forming of these societies, and through them giving informa- 
tion in regard to the evils and the impolicy of slavery, and the 
advantages to be gained by its abohtion.^ 

The earliest method of arousing public sentiment referred to in 
the Minutes seems to have been the publication of essays, and 
tracts, to serve as means of educating the people as to the true 
condition of affairs, and the true principle under discussion. This 
topic was one of those made most prominent ■* in 1809, and never 
seems to have been entirely lost sight of, although little or nothing 
more is directly heard of it until 1825. The resolution on the sub- 
ject adopted by this Convention (1825) reads : " Whereas the abo- 
lition of slavery in the United States must emphatically be the act 
of the people : — and Whereas, there is good cause to believe that 
this practice is now mainly upheld by mistaken self-interest, preju- 
dice, and an incorrect estimate of its nature and tendency, and that 
much good would result from convincing the public mind in the 
slave-holding states of the impolicy and injustice of slavery, there- 
fore. Resolved, That the acting committee be instructed to collect, 
digest and circulate throughout the slave-holding States, such 
facts and other information as is calculated to prove the impolicy 
of slavery and the practicability, safety and advantage of emanci- 
pation." ^ There is nothing in the discussions of 1826 or 1827 on 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1817, p. 23; for 1818, p. 32; for 1821, 
p. 49; and for 1826, p. 10. 

2 Ibid, for 1826, p. 46. 3 Ji)id. for 1S27, p. 20. 
4 Ibid, for 1809, p. 32. 5 jiid, for 1825, p. 21. 



The American Convention ' i6i 

this subject, but in the address to the societies which was adopted 
in 1827 the circulation of such material through the abohtion 
societies is given as one of the most important means to success, 
and a list of publications of especial value is given, of which a 
large proportion were written by Englishmen, and perhaps reprinted 
in this country/ 

In 1828 one resolution took the form of a vote of encouragement 
to editors of periodicals and newspapers who would show their de- 
termination to assist in the work of emancipation, and anotlicr 
presented the same idea in a more concrete form, as follows: 
^^ Resolved, That the Convention has observed with great satisfac- 
tion the efforts of the Editor of the 'Journal of the Times'' a Weekly 
Paper published in Bennington, Vermont, to aid the cause of 
liberty; and recommends that the acting committee be directed to 
subscribe for five copies of said paper." ^ Another resolution, 
carried over for the next session, provided distinctly for the ap- 
propriation of money to print and circulate books, pamphlets, and 
tracts; and in the next session it was voted to use all their "sur- 
plus funds" in this manner.^ A third resolution adopted in 1828 
merely suggested to the societies the propriety of inserting in the 
newspapers from time to time extracts on the subject of slavery.'* 

These were not, however, the only efforts to circulate pamphlets 
which might arouse the people to a sense of the need of abolition. 
The Convention attempted a compilation of the history of slavery 
in the United States; but in 1809 it appeared that the intending 
author had been hampered by illness, and in 181 2 it was stated 
that he was dead. In the mean time Clarkson's History of the 
Abolition of the Slave Trade was issued, and further action on 
the other book was discontinued. Copies of the minutes of the 
Conventions, including the resolutions discussed and adopted, and 
usually the addresses of the various societies to the Convention, 
were printed, both in the newspapers and in pamphlet form, and 
widely scattered.^ These, and other examples of the work of the 
American Convention, arc gleaned from its printed minutes, and 
for this they are invaluable. Unfortunately they never give any 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, p. 20. 

~ Ibid, for 1828, p. 9. 

3 Ibid. p. 10; for 1829, p. ig. 

■* Offered by Francis Burke, Ibid, for 1828, p. 15. 

5 On one occasion at least 1000 copies were thus cHstributed. 



1 62 The American Convention 

details of the discussions, and almost never the number voting on 
either side of a question. It is therefore impossible to decide upon 
the grounds for the rejection of any given resolution, nor can we 
tell the attitude of any of the delegates, unless they, as individuals, 
present some resolution for consideration. We cannot learn, 
further, how far the sections took divergent views. 

The foreign slave trade was prohibited in 1807 but it received 
some discussion during these meetings. In 1809, the next meeting 
after the passage of the prohibition, the Convention congratulated 
the country on its success, but pointed out that there was still 
much work left to do while such a mass of slaves remained in the 
country.^ At the next session of the Convention (181 2), reports 
were read showing that citizens of the United States were still en- 
gaged in the traffic.^ But the matter is one of the lesser topics, and 
attention is given almost entirely to affairs within the country, for 
it was clear that the prohibition of the slave trade could not be 
absolutely perfect while slavery was allowed in the country, and 
the nature of men remained the same. In 1825 one item of busi- 
ness was the appointment of a committee which should see if any 
and what further measures could be taken to prevent the illegal 
importation of slaves into the country.^ In 1828 a standing Com- 
mittee on the African Slave Trade was appointed to hold over to 
the next session.* 

The domestic slave trade was felt to be a most important point 
of attack, and almost always came up. Memorials on this subject 
were drafted, and after the stirring excitement of the Missouri 
Contest, in 1820, during the more vigorous discussion of all anti- 
slavery topics, it was not allowed to drop. In 182 1 the Convention 
noted the existence of "an internal commerce that ought to be 
checked" and a committee was appointed to investigate and report 
measures to stop both the foreign and the domestic trade. '^ They 
reported that the subject was too large for such a committee and 
advised the reference of it to the Acting Committee for action 
during the interim of the Convention.^ Special committees on 
this subject were appointed'' in 1823 and 1825, and the topic was 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1809, p. 29. 

2 Ibid, for 1812, pp. 18-20, 27. 

3 Ibid, for 1825, p. 18. 4 ii,i4^ for 1828, p. 14. 
s Ibid, for 1821, pp. 22, 23. 8 Ibid. p. 30. 

7 Ibid, for 1823, p. 43; for 1825, p. 28; for 1S26, pp. 7, 42. 



The American Convention 163 

brought up in 1826. In 1828 a Committee on the Internal Slave 
Trade was made one of the regular standing committees, and it 
was directed to "enquire into the expediency of petitioning Con- 
gress to pass a law prohibiting the transportation of slaves for 
sale, from or to the several States of the United States by sea." * 
The interesting report of this committee will be more fully con- 
sidered in a later chapter, since it gives in some detail the con- 
ditions of the traffic, and some of the reasons why it was so 
prosperous.- They "consider the subject as one of the greatest 
magnitude and importance that can gain the attention of the 
Convention." These standing committees were again appointed 
in 1829, and embodied their ideas in a memorial for abolition in 
the District of Columbia, which was adopted.^ 

Kidnapping was closely allied to the domestic slave trade, and 
was clearly illegal, hence it was often discussed, and denounced 
with vehemence. As early as 1809 the societies were urged to use 
the most efficient measures to prevent tiie "inhuman practice of 
kidnapping," by "men so lost to all honourable feelings, so deeply 
depraved as to violate those laws of their country which were in- 
tended to protect the rights of free people of colour." ■* All vigi- 
lance is desired, especially by the abolitionists of the Border states, 
for the detection and suppression of the crime. The enslaving of 
free blacks is deplored in the report for 181 2, and the general sub- 
ject considered in 1816 and 1817. In 1821 attention was called to 
the evil which was abating in New York, but still all too prevalent 
in Pennsylvania.^ A special committee reported that no subject 
required more attention than kidnapping, in the suppression of 
which they expected the "approbation and cordial support of 
every respectable class of society." They recommended a uniform 
system of laws in the different states, that would encourage pros- 
ecutions and provide severer penalties. They believed also that 
measures should be taken to inform those who might be in 
danger, of the various means of seduction that were used.® 

In 1827 this subject was combined with the domestic slave trade, 
and a committee appointed to consider the allied topics.^ In 1828 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, p. 14. 

2 Ibid. pp. 21-24; see below, p. 198. ^ Jhid, for 1829, pp. 13, 15, 23. 
* Ihid. for 1809, pp. 24, 26-28. 

5 Ibid, for 1812, pp. 21, 27; for 1816, pp. 24, 31; for 1817, p. 24; for 1821, p. 22. 
' Ibid, for 1821, pp. 29, 30. 7 Ibid, for 1827, pp. 7, 24. 



164 The American Convention 

a standing committee was appointed to consider this question, sep- 
arating it from both the foreign and the domestic slave trade.^ 
Resolutions of appreciation were passed at this meeting for the 
" unwearied efforts of Joseph Watson, INIayor of Philadelphia, and 
Samuel P. Garrignes, one of the chief police, in restoring to liberty 
several kidnapped persons, and in bringing the offenders to pun- 
ishment." According to the report of the standing committee of 
1828 the kidnappers were in many instances known, but as the 
only witnesses were persons of color, whose testimony was inad- 
missible in the courts, they were rarely brought to trial. ^ The 
committee personally investigated the question, and saw numbers 
of slave gangs. "The shrieks and groans of the wretched victims 
would have melted any heart but that of the slave trader, steeled 
by avarice, or petrified by cruelty." 

The question of the compilation of the various State laws in 
regard to the colored people came up several times in the Conven- 
tions. In 1821 a committee was proposed to have this work in 
charge.^ It was appointed, but was not ready to report ' in 1823, 
and in 1826 and 1827 the Convention agreed to subscribe for 
Stroud's work.^ In 1828 it was resolved to examine the State 
Black Codes, and to determine just what the Convention would 
better undertake with reference to them ; ^ especially with reference 
to the oppression of the free blacks in the slave states, the District 
of Columbia "^ and Ohio ; ^ the sympathy of the slaveholders with 
the Colored Seamen's Act in South Carolina;^ and the need of 
state and national legislation in behalf of the blacks. Laws were 
needed to preserve the sanctity of marriage,^^ to allow blacks to 
testify in the courts,^ ^ and to give them the privilege of trial by 
jury when claimed as runaway slaves.^^ 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, pp. 13, 14. 

2 Ibid. pp. 21-24. 

3 Ibid, for 1821, p. 5. 4 Ibid, for 1823, p. 23. 

5 Ibid, for 1826, p. 12; for 1827, p. 13. In 1827 the name of Stroud is given, and it is 
probable that the same one is referred to in 1826, as it was also a collection of slave laws 
to be published in Philadelphia. 

^ Ibid, for 1828, p. 7. '' See Ibid, for 1821, p. 22. 

8 See Ibid, for 1829, p. 8. ^ See Ibid, for 1823, pp. 25, 36. 

10 Ibid, for 1823, p. 25; for 1826, pp. 7, 10, 47; for 1827, p. 12. 

11 Ibid, for 1823, p. 25; for 1826, p. 42; for 1S27, p. 10. 

12 Ibid, for 1827, p. 7. 



CHAPTER XV 

REMEDIES PROPOSED BY THE AMERICAN CONVENTION 

The advocates of slavery wished to have the slaves and also 
the free blacks kept in subjection and governed by different laws 
from the whites, but the most enlightened and conscientious could 
not openly advocate the points against which the convention set 
itself the most decidedly, and few pro-slavery men really favored 
either kidnapping or the slave trade, whether domestic or foreign. 
With one exception the American Convention kept itself within 
these moderate limits until 182 1, not overstepping the boundary 
which separated the permissible from the doubtful questions. The 
one notable exception was the advocacy of the education of the 
colored race, both free and slave; this was opposed in all periods 
by the pro-slavery men, and led in later years even to violence. 
The American Convention in every session advocated the educa- 
tion of at least the free negro; in the session of 1809 it declared 
that especial attention should be paid to the "religious, moral and 
intellectual improvement" of the blacks, and observed with sat- 
isfaction the work done in that direction. " Although liberty be a 
blessing," they say in their address to the societies, "when we 
obtain the freedom of the slave our work is not completed." They 
recommended, as the least that should be done, instruction in read- 
ing so that the blacks might be able to read the Bible, and training 
in the elementary branches of arithmetic.^ In 182 1 the Conven- 
tion was of opinion that abohtion without education would lose all 
its value, and gratification was expressed at the educational work 
of the New York Abolition Society, expressing the hope that their 
example might be followed elsewhere. "Let us not forget," they 
say, "how much depends on the careful instruction of all who 
are free." ^ 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1809, pp. 24, 28, 29. The address to the 
societies was quite radical on this point. 

- Ibid, for 1812, pp. 20, 21, 26, 27. A special address was sent to the societies in 1818 
(Minutes, p. 36) on this subject. 

165 



1 66 Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 

The Convention of 182 1 first advocated the education of slaves 
as a necessary part of any system of emancipation/ In other 
questions, also, this year 182 1 was a turning point toward more 
radical measures, even beyond such measures as would be ac- 
cepted by the better class of the slaveholders. In 1823 education 
was held to be one of the great means for promoting emancipation, 
so that the condition of the free blacks should no longer be an 
argument for the continuance of slavery." In 1825, in furtherance 
of their aim, a committee was appointed to propose such meas- 
ures as might be "best calculated to extend education among the 
colored population." ^ 

In 1826 the Convention recommended to the support of the 
societies the substance of some radical resolutions offered by W. 
L. Stone. Whereas, in the opinion of the Convention, ^^ ignorance 
and vice are inseparable companions . . . and Whereas, it is 
.admitted, on all hands, that, sooner or later, the work of emancipa- 
tion must be undertaken, and prosecuted to its completion ; There- 
fore, and in order that the slaves may be better fitted to appre- 
ciate and enjoy the blessings of freedom" — Resolved, to recom- 
mend to the Legislatures of the several states the repeal of all anti- 
educational laws, and also that all proprietors of slaves be re- 
quested to encourage by all possible means the giving of their 
slaves the rudiments of Enghsh and religious education.* The 
Convention also speaks of "another subject fraught with impor- 
tance to the speedy success of our cause," the character of the 
free blacks, which was urged by proslavery advocates as a strong 
argument. "Hence the importance," they urge, "of improving the 
circumstances of the people of color by every means in the power 
of the benevolent. For this purpose the first in magnitude 
is Education." They instance the cases where African schools 
have already been established in various parts of the country, and 
the proof of good attainment by the scholars, which they gave in 
the specimens of their work shown to the Convention. Indus- 
trial education is also suggested as a valuable mode of improving 
the condition of the free blacks.^ 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, pp. 52, 53. 

2 Ibid, for 1823, pp. 40, 41. 

3 Ibid, for 1825, p. 18. They were not ready to report during the session, and though 
the matter was left over they did not report as a committee (Minutes for 1825, p. 27; for 
1826, p. 42). -1 Ibid, for 1826, pp. 7, 10, 47. ^ Ibid. pp. 45, 46. 



Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 167 

In 1827 the Convention took a step in advance by preparing 
an address to the citizens of the United States on the education of 
free colored children, with a strong recommendation to the friends 
of emancipation to provide Sunday Schools, and any other means 
they considered wise, for the education of indigent colored chil- 
dren/ In 1828 the American Convention sent an address on this 
subject to the colored people themselves, in order to rouse them to 
a sense of the need of education for their children, and the free 
schools established in New York and Philadelphia were discussed 
in detail.- The Convention felt that the colored people claimed 
more than freedom in return for the injuries they had suffered, 
and for that reason especial attention was recommended to both 
the literary and industrial education of the children. Some schools 
had obtained the most satisfactory results, and the same could 
probably be obtained in other places; while it was certain that 
facts like these would do more to "obliterate idle prejudices than 
all abstract reasoning on the subject." ^ In 1829 the Convention 
was glad to find that opportunities for the instruction of colored 
children were increasing, and recommended that the societies con- 
tinue their efforts to procure the repeal of all anti-education laws.^ 

The protection of the free blacks and the general improvement 
of the slaves did not necessarily involve the idea of abolition, 
although that subject often comes in as a collateral topic. 
The radical action of the Convention was the expression of the 
need of those already in bondage, and the possibility of freeing 
them, either by legal enactment or individual action. Many of 
the earlier books, pamphlets, and tracts issued by the Conven- 
tion before 1820 were intended to arouse public sentiment to the 
point of freeing the slaves, but it did no more than to recommend 
to the societies the use of these pubhcations, the remaining work 
being done entirely by the societies themselves. With the era of 
the Missouri Compromise came a period of more radical work, 
and the frequent comparisons between slave and free labor after 
1823 were intended to bring about legal emancipation by proving 
that it was to the interest of the slaveholders. 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, pp. 7, 17-20, 28. 

2 Ibid, for 1828, p. 31. Reports of the schools had been sent and referred to in dis- 
cussion at the other meetings of the Convention. It is almost entirely from the communi- 
cations of the New York Society to the American Convention that we learn the details of 
their educational work. 

3 Minutes for 1828, p. 29. ^ Ibid, for 1829,' pp. 8, 35. 



1 68 Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 

In 1823 the Convention purchased and circulated one hundred 
copies of a pamphlet on this subject by Adam Hodgdon, or 
Hodgson, published by the New York Abolition Society/ In 1825 
Isaac Barton offered a series of resolutions, the substance of 
which was that in the opinion of the Convention, it was incum- 
bent upon the friends of the abolition of slavery to give a de- 
cided preference to free labor; that therefore it was expedient to 
give a moderate premium on sugar, cotton, rice and tobacco when 
raised by free labor.^ The first of these resolutions was greatly 
modified in 1826, and passed as a recommendation to abolition- 
ists.^ In 1825 a committee appointed to enquire into the best 
means for the abolition of slavery reported * in favor of a state- 
ment of facts and information to prove the impolicy of slavery; 
an address to the religious and intellectual leaders in the coun- 
try, to rouse them to action in this direction; and an ad- 
dress regarding free labor. With regard to this last point they 
recommended that a premium should be paid to the one who 
should best prove, by the actual labor of the same persons as 
slaves and as freemen, the comparative value of the two. The first 
two recommendations were at once adopted, but the third provoked 
considerable discussion, and was at last indefinitely postponed.^ 

The subject was considered in 1828 in great detail, beginning 
with the minute report *' of a committee appointed to investigate 
the relative advantages between free and slave labor. This com- 
mittee was not able to find such details as would conclusively 
prove a greater pecuniary profit in free labor, but merely some 
general information on the subject. Sugar and coffee could be 
procured at New York, Philadelphia, and Wilmington, Delaware, 
unstained by slave labor. Some companies were trying the ex- 
periment in Florida and Louisiana, with what success they did not 
know, save that the Florida sugar was good. There were several 
cotton planters in North Carolina and Alabama who used only 
free labor, and were well satisfied to continue thus. While the 
committee knew of some who had used their cotton they could not 
ascertain what degree of encouragement was held out to the plant- 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1823, p. 24. 

2 Ibid, for 1825, p. 17. ^ Ibid. p. 28; for 1826, pp. 9, 42. 

4 Ibid, for 1825, p. i8. 

5 Ibid. pp. 18, 21, 22, 24, 27. For the discussion of the matter in 1826 and 1827 see 
report for 1826, p. 44; for 1827, pp. 7, 17. ^ Ibid, for 1828, pp. 7, 25-27. 



Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 169 

ers, as it was not to any considerable extent kept separate from 
other cotton by the users. Tobacco was successfully cultivated in 
Ohio, and sold in Baltimore at a lower price than slave-grown 
Maryland tobacco ; and even the colored colony in Upper Canada 
could compete in this product in some Atlantic seaports; an indi- 
cation that it was a pecuniary advantage to use free labor. The 
report and resolutions in the Conventions in regard to free labor 
are far from radical, and we should feel that there was little 
real anti-slavery sentiment among those participating, were it not 
that many of the most active abolitionists thought the empha- 
sizing of such competition would not be helpful to the slave. 
Many thought it impossible to prevent the exchange of slave 
products, while others believed that a successful discrimination, 
and the resulting failure of markets, would rouse ill feeling, and 
would antagonize rather than lead to other methods of cultiva- 
tion. Hence, while no one opposed an investigation, few were 
willing to risk antagonizing the slaveholders. 

The most moderate form of abolition, by manumission, was not 
often discussed in the Convention. In 1828 the following resolution, 
offered by Lundy, was adopted.^ ''Whereas, This Convention, 
having been informed that the disposition appears to be increasing 
among the holders of Slaves in some parts of the United States, 
(where public opinion and the Laws will not as yet sanction gen- 
eral emancipation,) to emancipate their Slaves, by removing them 
with their own consent to other lands where they may enjoy the 
rights and privileges of freemen. Therefore, Resolved, That this 
Convention views with pleasure these indications of a reformation 
in public sentiment, and a desire to promote the cause of justice 
in those sections of the country to which we have just alluded; 
and we recommend to the Anti-slavery Societies in the different 
states to aid such humane and benevolent individuals in carrying 
into effect their wishes upon the principles of Equity without in- 
fringing the Laws." In 1829 a committee reported that the best 
method of emancipation was to repeal the anti-manumission laws, 
and allow the practice freely to masters; and the Convention 
recommended that all friends of the slave use their exertions for 
such repeal.^ 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, pp. 29, 30. 

2 Ibid, for 1829, pp. 31, 35. 



lyo Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 

After 1823 the question of abolition in the District of Columbia, 
as the common property of both the slave and the free states, and 
as a portion of the country over which Congress had entire control, 
was continually and with increasing emphasis kept before the 
minds of the people by the American Convention. A favorite 
method was the preparing and sending of memorials to Congress, 
asking for such a law, none of which had any real effect. Similar 
to this was the urging of societies and friends of abolition generally 
to send memoriak and petitions to Congress, or to petition their 
State Legislatures to instruct their Senators to vote for such a 
measure. These methods, with the addition of circulating in 
papers and pamphlets arguments to show why it was not only best 
but necessary, were in reality the only ways in which the Conven- 
tion could act. 

Some attempt was made to induce the abolition of slavery in 
other parts of the Union besides the District of Columbia. In 
182 1 the Acting Committee was authorized to correspond with 
"humane and intelligent individuals" in those states where slav- 
ery was permitted, on the subject of abolition in their own states, 
a method thought especially desirable.^ A resolution of much the 
same tenor was presented ^ by Daniel Raymond in 1825. "Re- 
solved, That in the opinion of this Convention, the only effectual 
means of abolishing slavery in the U. States is by the passage of 
laws in th3 several states, fixing a day, after which, all persons born 
in the respective states shall be free at a certain age. Resolved, 
That this Convention recommend to the different abolition socie- 
ties in the U. States, and to all individuals who are friendly to the 
extirpation of slavery from the U. States, to use their endeavors to 
procure the passage of such a law in the states in which they re- 
side." These resolutions were passed with slight changes in 
wording.^ 

The question of abolishing slavery throughout the country was 
more clearly mentioned in the session of 1825. The Acting Com- 
mittee "deem the speedy and entire emancipation of the slaves in 
the country a subject of the greatest importance, embracing the 

^ Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, pp. 32, 57. 

2 Ibid, for 1825, p. 16. 

3 Ibid. pp. 20, 22, 23. The phrase "the only effectual means of abolishing slavery" 
was changed to "the most practicable means of effecting the complete extinction of 
slavery." 



Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 171 

primary objects of the Convention and involving conclusions con- 
nected with the essential interest and the honor and happiness of 
the nation. They see that philanthropists in every section of our 
country and elsewhere, do not cease to give it their earnest atten- 
tion, and that new hght is daily ehcited and new views are daily 
unfolded, and they cannot but hope that the time is not very distant 
when we shall better understand the subject, invested at present 
wath difficulties, either essentially connected with it, or out of the 
peculiar construction of government and society in the United 
States. They do not fear that the Convention will ever lose sight 
of this primary object, but they would express the hope that the 
general subject be re-examined at no very distant period. They 
have not entire confidence in any plan hitherto proposed, but as 
the subject has lately become much more extensively interesting, 
we may anticipate more enlightened and feasible expedients for 
removing from our country one of her greatest enemies, and from 
her national escutcheon its foulest blot." ^ Plans for abolition by 
the general government were proposed to the Convention by 
W. L. Stone in 1826, and all the friends of emancipation in gen- 
eral, and the societies represented in the meeting in particular, 
were recommended to prepare and forward petitions to Congress 
asking for immediate and effectual action tending to the aboli- 
tion of slavery in the United States.^ 

Not only the advantages but the methods of abolition were 
discussed in the American Convention. It nowhere asks for imme- 
diate emancipation, and declared at times that sudden freedom 
would be no less bad for the slave than for the master. It appar- 
ently had a clear judgment as to what measures would be likely 
to be accepted by the people after persuasion and instruction, and 
what measures could never be accepted under any circumstances. 
It believed in going slowly in whatever direction the way opened, 
in attacking whatever point seemed to have little defence. The 
methods of emancipation proposed and discussed in the Conven- 
tions were quite variant, but all agreed that the progress must be 
gradual, and that the slave must be educated for his position as a 
free man, before that freedom actually became his. Nearly all of 

1 A plan of emancipation had been referred to the Acting Committee, which they were 
not yet prepared to report upon favorably. See Minutes for 1825, pp. 30, 31. 

2 Ibid, for 1826, pp. 6, 47. 



172 Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 

them conceded to the thickly settled slave states that the freedmen 
should be removed to some place in which they could exercise their 
freedom without danger to themselves or embarrassment to the 
whites to whom they had paid service. The Colonization Society 
was never really favored by the Convention, yet as early as 1816 
the Convention adopted a resolution to correspond with the Afri- 
can Institution of London, England, with the purpose of finding 
some refuge for the freedmen, and the chief objection to the Col- 
onization Society seemed to be the impracticabihty of its plans, and 
their entire separation from emancipation.' 

In the American Convention the first discussion of any definite 
plan of emancipation was in 1821, the date of the more radical and 
aggressive movement in all directions. ^ After quoting from the 
Declaration of Independence the phrases about the equality of 
man, the plan thus continues: "These self evident truths, thus 
solemnly promulgated, and always admitted in theory ; at least in 
relation to ourselves ; are well known to be partially denied or dis- 
regarded, in most sections of the union, in relation to the descend- 
ants of the African race." The writers inveigh against the incon- 
sistency of a people professing equal rights, and boasting of justice 
and freedom, and yet holding one-seventh of its population as 
slaves. "It must be admitted," they say, "that it would neither 
be politic nor safe, for the present system of slavery in the United 
States to be long continued, without providing some wise and cer- 
tain means for eventual emancipation." They fearlessly mention 
the possibility of a slave insurrection, and quote the words of 
Jefferson, "the Almighty has no attribute which can take part 
with us in such a contest." They feel it unnecessary to condemn 
where few defend, and claim that " it is a truth generally acknowl- 
edged, that Slavery is an evil, not only by those whom principle, 
or education have taught to proscribe, the practice, but by men of 
reflection, even in the very vortex of slavery." The necessity 
before them is not reproaches but a practical plan. "What are the 
means by which this evil is to be removed consistently with the 
safety of the master and the happiness of the slave? Perhaps to 

1 See below, pp. 199-207. 

2 In this session they decided to consider in the Committee of the Whole the expedi- 
ency and practicability of devising a plan of general emancipation, and after a discussion 
of several days at the regular and adjourned sessions, they adopted and presented to the 
Convention the plan outlined in the text. See the Minutes, for 1821, pp. 26, 27, 40, 43, 45, 
49-54, 57. 58- 



Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 173 

some, this question, considered on the ground of absolute justice, 
may appear of easy solution: Immediate, universal emancipation. 
But however pleasing the prospect may be to the philanthropist, 
of getting clear of one of the evils of slavery, yet a full examination 
of local circumstances, must convince us that this would be, to cut, 
rather than to untie the Gordian knot. Reformation on a large 
scale is commonly slow. Habits long established are not easily 
changed." If it were possible to obtain the consent of the slave- 
holders to immediate emancipation, there was grave question 
whether it would not produce as much evil as it would cure. The 
nation owed more to the negro than the hberation of their bodies 
could liquidate ; the policy of slavery had been to reduce him to a 
machine, to remove all education and incentive to independent 
action. To throw an untutored man into society without any pre- 
vious education would be hke expecting "an infant to run before 
it had learned the use of its limbs." Hence any plan of emanci- 
pation, to be productive of real good to the slave, must educate him 
for liberty, and must, therefore, be gradual. 

A plan which seemed feasible and likely to meet all the difB- 
culties proposed was then detailed in the Convention. "Let the 
slaves be attached to the soil, — give them an interest in the land 
they cultivate." Place them in the position of the serfs of Russia. 
Then let " wise and salutary laws be enacted," which should pro- 
vide the means of education for every colored child. The practice 
of arbitrary punishments for trivial offences should be abolished; 
the migration or transportation of slaves from one state to another 
should be prohibited by law; and no slave should be sold out of 
the county or town in which his master resided without his own 
consent. Each slave with a family should have a hut and a piece 
of land for himself; he should work for stipulated wages, with a 
reduction for maintenance, if supported by his master, and should 
pay rent for his land. The time given him to cultivate his own 
land should be deducted from his annual hire. Provision should 
be made for regular instruction on each farm or plantation, and a 
wise and equitable system of laws should be established. No one 
need, however, wait for legislative action before trying this plan, 
which had been successfully applied in Barbadoes by Joshua 
Steele. 

This plan for emancipation apparently did not meet with general 



174 Remedies Proposed by the American Convention 

favor, for it was reconsidered ^ in 1823 in the committee of the 
whole, and two resolutions passed: that it was not expedient to 
consider the subject at that time, and that the whole matter be 
recommended to the Acting Committee for future report. In 1825 
the question was again raised, but in a different form, by Thomas 
Earle, who presented a resolution approving the plan of using the 
profits of the public lands for "the abolition of slavery and the 
transportation of persons of color to such country as they may 
choose for their residence." ^ In 1826 a modified form of this 
resolution was adopted,^ by a vote of 12 to 7. No other plan was 
proposed in 1825 save that of Daniel Raymond, urging the matter 
upon the individual states. 

The resolutions offered by W. L. Stone in 1826 were as follows: 
"Whereas, it is represented by the great body of the owners of 
slaves that slavery is a great evil, and its continuance and increase 
fraught with many and appalling dangers: and Whereas, the 
friends of emancipation are frequently called upon by the pro- 
prietors of slaves to devise some adequate means to rid the country, 
by a safe and gradual process, of a population whose continuance 
among us is so unnatural; . . . and Whereas, in the opinion of 
this Convention, it is expedient for the Nation to put forth its 
strength in a concentrated effort to free itself from so great a curse, 
without a forcible interference with the rights of property sanc- 
tioned by the constitution: — Therefore" nine resolutions were 
presented. The first, that it be recommended to the Congress of 
the United States to provide without delay for the gradual but 
certain extinction of slavery, and the transportation of the whole 
colored population to the coast of Africa, or the island of San 
Domingo, if such an arrangement could be made. The second, that 
Congress be asked to create a fund of $3,000,000 per annum, to 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1823, p. 43. 

2 This resolution, and a supplementary one calling for the appointment of a com- 
mittee to draw up a memorial for presentation to Congress, were referred to the next 
session, and practically embodied in another series offered at that time. Being referred 
to the Committee of Arrangements the original resolutions of Earle were reported. See 
Minutes, for 1S25, pp. 16, 28; for 1826, pp. 5, 6, 8. 

3 Minutes, for 1826, p. 42. The modification radically altered the resolution; it now 
read: ''Resolved, that the Convention would highly approve of the appropriation of an 
adequate portion of the revenue of the United States" for this purpose, no mention being 
made of the source of such revenue. The committee appointed to draft the memorial 
which was provided for by the resolution, were to report in 1827. The matter was brought 
up as the first item of unfinished business in that Convention; the resolution was again 
adopted in its amended form, and the appointment of a committee discussed, and then 
indefinitely postponed. See the Minutes, for 1827, pp. 6, 7, 10. 



Kennedies Proposed by the American Convention 175 

buy slaves of an equal number of both sexes, between sixteen and 
forty-five, and to transport them till all are gone; the third, that the 
Convention approve of the proposition to use the public lands for 
the purpose ; the fourth, that Congress be asked to begin by imme- 
diate abolition in the District of Columbia, followed by deportation. 
Resolutions five and six were recommendations for the amelioration 
of the condition of the slaves who remained ; seven, for the draft- 
ing of memorials to Congress and the State Legislatures on the 
subject; and eight and nine recommended the free education of 
the slaves. This was not such a plan as could meet the approbation 
of the slaveholders as a whole, and the committee of arrangements 
did not report it for discussion in the form presented.' 

In 1829 a committee reported several schemes for emancipation.^ 
The first was that of fixing the slave to the soil; the committee; 
questioned its real value as a means of emancipation, and felt also 
that there was no hope of its speedy adoption. The second scheme, 
immediate emancipation by legislative enactment, would meet with 
universal reprobation by the slaveholding states, and was certain 
not to be adopted. A third scheme was abstinence from the prod- 
ucts of slave labor; it was, however, easier to pass laws for aboli- 
tion than to break off this commercial communication, although 
the example of individuals might do some good. The emancipa- 
tion of the post nati by the individual states had been sanctioned 
by the Convention, but it was unlikely that states where the slaves 
were numerous would pass such a measure. Appeals to convince 
individuals, and thus to produce voluntary manumissions was the 
means most used in Europe, but unfortunately the slave states had 
passed laws restricting manumissions, which must be repealed 
before anything could be done. Colonization might be useful if 
it were practicable. 

After due consideration the committee recommended the fol- 

1 The items in regard to the amelioration of the condition of the slaves, and their edu- 
cation, were reported, as was also that of abolition in the District of Columbia, without the 
word "immediate." As the reason for the change is given the fact that the same subjects 
were already before the Convention but the details of Stone's plan were different, and the 
plan already before the Convention had no real result. See the Minutes, for 1826, p. 10. 
In 1827 it was recommended that a plan for gradual emancipation be considered in the 
Committee of the Whole, but it was referred to the next session. Accordingly it was re- 
ported in 1S28 as an item of unfinished business, and adopted. After some consideration 
in which no result was obtained, the Committee rose, and asked to be discharged. See 
the Minutes, for 1827, pp. 7, 17; for 1828, pp. 7, 16. 

2 iMinutcs, for 1829, pp. 28-35. 



176 Remedies Proposed by tlie American Convention 

lowing : ^ that all friends of emancipation (i) try to convince the 
whole community of the pernicious effects of slavery on the morals, 
the enterprise and the happiness of a people; (2) continue "in 
temperate and conciliatory language to illustrate the inconsistency 
of slavery and sound policies " ; (3) endeavor to procure the repeal 
of laws against education and emancipation; (4) exert them- 
selves to procure a speedy passage of laws for gradual abolition ; 
(5) endeavor to procure from the national government appropri- 
ations to aid voluntary methods and (6) cordially to aid all meth- 
ods whenever they were brought to their notice. Nothing definite 
was done with this report, and after a statement of the common 
expectation that American slavery would cease, and an acknowl- 
edgement of the problem as to the method of abolition, the last 
session of the American Convention adjourned sine die. 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1829, p. 35. 



CHAPTER XVI 
INFLUENCE OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION: ADDRESSES 

To the historian of anti-slavery a fundamental question is how 
far the American Convention was an actual force in molding public 
opinion, and in preparing the way for the later slavery contest. 
Such influence as it had was exerted in four ways: by its meetings, 
addresses, memorials, and out-of-doors appeals. The action of 
the American Convention during the few days when the delegates 
were together in actual session was the smaller part of its activity. 
The Acting Committee, which held over during the year, was an 
important part of the organization ; and the addresses sent out by 
that committee at the request of the Convention were perhaps the 
most efficient means of spreading anti-slavery influence. This 
committee, or a special committee authorized by the Convention, 
sent, during the course of the year, metnorials to Congress or to 
the Legislatures of the States. 

The addresses put in form by the Acting Committee give an 
excellent idea of the attitude of the Convention, since the subject 
matter, and sometimes even the text, were approved by the dele- 
gates in session. The purport of these addresses appears in the 
preceding chapter. They abounded in vigorous expression; for 
example, the address of 1809 to the Societies declares that the reluc- 
tance of the slave owners to free their slaves was not surprising to 
one who knew the nature of man, but it was astonishing that kid- 
napping was allowed, " Domestic slavery is a national crime ; a 
crime which is calculated to excite in the man of upright senti- 
ments, serious and awful apprehensions of the final consequences 
of its continuance." ' The "circular address" sent to the societies 
in 181 2 differs little in general tenor from that of 1809. They ex- 
press disappointment that the passage of the Slave Trade Act has 
not done all they fondly hoped, they speak of the "twelve hundred 
thousand of our fellow beings ... in a state of abject bondage 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1S09, pp. 27-29. 
12 177 



lyS Influence of the American Convention: Addresses 

in our deluded country," and add, "Let us not forget how much 
depends on the careful instruction of all who are free." They again 
denounce kidnappers and recommend great vigilance in their de- 
tection and punishment ; and they state as their firm opinion that 
if the laws were faithfully executed the slave trade would cease/ 

In this same year (1812) a special address was sent to the Ken- 
tucky Abolition Society, which had but recently expressed its desire 
to be counted with the other societies represented in the Conven- 
tion among the workers for the slave. It is a hearty greeting and 
welcome for the new society, with earnest wishes for its prosperity 
and long continuance.^ 

In later years the addresses became more significant. In 182 1 
the Convention congratulated ^ the abolition societies on what had 
already been accomplished. It seemed to think the Missouri Com- 
promise at least a partial victory for the Liberty party. The Con- 
vention also expressed a conviction that the cause had regularly 
advanced, and that nothing but perseverance w^as necessary to 
ensure the final triumph. "To the perseverance of its advocates 
alone, may be imputed the great change in public opinion, in favor 
of the Abolition of Slavery, that has already been effected in the 
Northern, Middle, and some of the Western States; and we con- 
fidently hope, that this will ultimately produce a similar change in 
the South. We therefore trust, that you will never relax your 
efforts to promote the emancipation of slaves, till every human 
being in the United States, shall equally enjoy all the blessings of 
our free constitution." They felt, however, that the best m.ode of 
emancipation was still a matter of great question; "however 
desirable a total emancipation might be to the philanthropist, we 
cannot expect the speedy accomplishment of that event." One 
important section of this address (1821) definitely decided com- 
pulsory colonization to be "incompatible with the principles of our 
government and with the temporal and spiritual interest^ of the 
blacks"; nevertheless they consider voluntary emigration to Hayti 
still open to question. The Convention was extremely doubtful 
of the wisdom of any measure which should draw off "the most 
industrious, moral and respectable of its colored population," thus 
depriving others, less improved, of the benefit of their example 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1812, pp. 26, 27. 

2 Ibid. pp. 28, 29. 3 iJjid^ for 182 1, pp. 56, 57. 



Influence of the American Convention: Addresses 179 

and advice. After the long years of servitude some "retributive 
justice" is due them; to compensate them for their wrongs they 
should be improved intellectually and morally, and brought to a 
true knowledge of God; and this can, they think, best be done 
in a Christian country. The committee recommend the plan of 
emancipation which had been adopted for that purpose by the 
Convention, and call especial attention to the advisability of urg- 
ing in each state the passage of laws freeing the post nati. 

The address ^ of 1823 seems intended to check in some measure 
the too jubilant congratulations aroused by the address of the pre- 
vious session, although the difference may lie entirely in the attitude 
of the men composing the committee each year. They warn their 
readers against the hope for great and sudden success, although 
the cause is steadily progressing. 

Of especial interest is the address^ to the societies in 1825, be- 
cause it is a formal argument for the abolition of slavery, a simple 
and urgent appeal to the reason of those who might read it, and 
an earnest invitation to all to join them in their labors for the slave. 
The Convention thinks it almost unnecessary to dwell upon reasons 
why all should cooperate in the great cause. "It would be an 
insult to their feelings and understanding, to suppose them un- 
mindful of the rights of their fellowmen, or indifferent to the honor 
of their country ; yet it may be well to direct their attention to som.e 
of the calamities inseparably connected with slavery, and to strive 
to awaken the exertions requisite to effect its abolition. By the 
Law of Nature all men are entitled to equal privileges, . . . 
although the artificial distinctions of society may have abrogated 
it in practice. . . . The barbarous policy which has sanctified the 
introduction of slaves into this country, sacrificed the injunctions 
of Revelation to a mercenary ambition, and for temporary interest 
bestowed a lasting disgrace upon posterity. Time and persever- 
ance may eradicate the evil, which is increasing in importance, 
and which not only has brought obloquy upon our national char- 
acter, but threatens to involve us in all the disastrous results of 
civil discord. There is nothing in our Republic so deeply calcu- 
lated to promote sectional jealousy as the existence of slavery. The 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1823, pp. 39-41. Thomas Shipley was 
the only man on both committees. 

2 Ibid, for 1825, pp. 33-35. 



i8o Influence of the American Convention: Addresses 

conflicting policy of slaveholding and non-slaveholding states will 
increase with its unhappy cause." This address, written four and 
one half years before the publication of the first number of the 
"Liberator," and more than three years before Garrison's first 
avowal of immediate emancipation in Lundy's " Genius," is an 
irresistible proof that the sectional jealousy which manifested itself 
in constantly growing intensity was not due wholly or even largely 
to Garrison alone. 

A greater danger than sectional jealousy loomed up before the 
eyes of these fathers of the abolition movement. "Much is to be 
feared in many States, from the physical superiority of the Black 
population," is their note of warning. The innate desire for lib- 
erty is in many instances enough to rouse the energies of the slave, 
and where numerical superiority is added nothing but the influ- 
ence of example is needed to arouse an insurrection. The strong- 
est argument against slavery in the mind of the Convention was 
the "indelible disgrace" it brought upon the country, the "glaring 
inconsistency" which in part justified the sneers of the advocates 
of monarchy. The people of the United States were trying the ex- 
periment of liberal, popular government, and the abject servitude 
of one part of the population was an argument for the opposite side, 
and lessened the force of our example. The cruelty so often con- 
nected with slavery is mentioned, with the general conclusion that 
" the voice of humanity is loud in its appeal for the emancipation 
of the human race." 

The closing words of the argument are very like an editorial of 
Garrison, or a speech of Wendell Phillips. "Is the participation 
of natural right to be graduated by shades of complexion? Shall 
one man lead a life of thraldom, because his skin has darkened 
under a hotter sun ? Shall he be the perpetual servant of his fel- 
lowman, because deficiency of intellectual power, naturally arising 
from a want of education and opportunity, have given him less 
keenness of perception, disqualified him to stand forth the vin- 
dicator of the oppressed, to assert his rights, and demand redress 
for his injuries ? No ! We trust that there is a redeeming virtue 
in our fellow-citizens, which will urge them to unite with us in 
abolishing Domestic Slavery. We invite them, because we believe 
it to be contradictory to the Law of Nature — in violation of the 
commands of Christianity — hostile to our political union — dan- 



Influence of the American Convention: Addresses i8i 

gerous to a portion of our white population — inconsistent with our 
professed love of liberty — degrading to our national character — 
and in opposition to the feelings of humanity. Then let not this ap- 
palling injustice bring down the wrath of offended heaven on our 
country — join with us in the endeavor to benefit mankind, and be 
determined that your zeal shall not waver, nor your exertions 
diminish, while a single spot in our land is polluted by a slave." 

In the address^ of 1826 the Convention stimulates petitions for 
aboHtion in the District of Columbia, and in some detail urges the 
education of the free colored people. It especially "recommends 
to the friends of the Abolition of Slavery throughout the United 
States, in the purchase of articles, the product of our common 
country, to give a preference to those produced by the labor of 
Freemen." Their reasons for this recommendation are, first', to 
create a market for free produce, and second, to keep the funda- 
mental principles of anti-slavery alive in the minds of the people 
at large, and give opportunity to spread and defend their views. 
With all earnestness, however, they denounce all methods which 
might arouse the ill feehngs of their opponents, since they believe 
that the cause of personal freedom has always kept pace with the 
progress of conviction. They believe that calm and dispassionate 
appeals to the reason and understanding of the advocates of slav- 
ery would be the most successful means of "attaining the glorious 
object of universal emancipation^ 

Three distinct addresses were sent in 1827. One, to the aboh- 
tion societies, recommended,^ first, the education of pubhc opinion 
by the distribution of tracts and other publications; second, an 
application to the several State Legislatures for laws to prohibit 
the sale of negroes out of the state; and third, the education of 
the colored children both free and slave. "The Convention fer- 
vently desires," the writers say in closing, "that all who have put 
their hands to this great work may really deserve the epithet of 
'saints' which in irony has been reproachfully cast upon them." 

The second address of this year, also to the societies, discussed ^ 
abolition in the District of Columbia. Since the whole people 
must share honor or opprobrium from the conduct of the govern- 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, pp. 44-46. 

2 Ibid, for 1827, pp. 20-22. 

3 Ibid. pp. 22-24. Italics as in the original. 



1 82 Influence of the American Convention: Addresses 

ment of the District, the writers address the friends of humanity 
in all sections, urging them to use all the lawful and just means 
within their reach "to limit, and finally to eradicate the demoral- 
izing and corrupting influence of slavery" in the District of Co- 
lumbia. They do not take time or space to detail the advantages 
which would arise from abolition there, but they declare that in 
their opinion the effect upon other parts of the country would be 
most salutary and the influence incalculable. At present the Dis- 
trict was practically a large slave market, and if the same con- 
dition of affairs should continue, it must, they feel sure, by its 
demoralizing effects on the residents and the odium aroused in the 
minds of the enlightened foreigners, "inevitably sap the founda- 
tions of our free institutions, and degrade our national character 
in the eyes of the world." This would in itself, they are persuaded, 
be a suflicient inducement to labor for the cause of emancipation. 
It had been asserted, even on the floor of Congress, that all legis- 
lation on the subject should wait until the people of the District 
themselves demanded the abolition of slavery. That doctrine the 
Convention believed to be fallacious. " The people there are not 
exclusively responsible for the national disgrace, and the criminality 
attending it." The whole people must bear the odium, and may 
demand abolition. 

The third address ^ of 1827 was to the citizens of the United 
States on the subject of the education of indigent free colored 
children. It declared that the time had come when the abolitionist 
and the philanthropist ought to renew and redouble their efforts 
to remove the "unpleasant contrast" between white and blacks of 
the same degree of poverty. It claimed that colored children were 
capable of instruction, and that it was only the means that were 
wanting. 

The addresses of 1828 are the last of which detailed reports 
exist, and doubtless show, more than do any of the others, just 
what was the legacy left to the new anti-slavery organization by 
the old society which had borne the burden and heat of the earlier 
conflict. The committee felt " that in reviewing the work of the 
societies there was much to cheer and gratify them. The cause of 
truth and humanity had slowly but steadily advanced, and noth- 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, pp. 18, 19. 

2 Ibid, for 1828, pp. 28-30; address to the societies. 



Ifijiiience of the American Convention: Addresses 183 

ing but perseverance was needed to ensure success. They thought 
they saw a change of opinion in the Northern, Western and Middle 
States, due to the perseverance of anti-slavery advocates, and 
there was hope for the South. They wonder how any can feel 
apathy when they see the horrors of the domestic slave trade 
almost before their own windows. They denounce slavery in these 
vigorous terms : " Slavery in whatever point of light considered, 
is a revolting subject, repugnant to the best feelings of our nature, 
and inconsistent with the rights and happiness of man." The 
slaves claim from the people of the United States more than mere 
freedom, they should be educated to take their place with the 
whites. The foundation of schools for their education, both liter- 
ary and industrial, is therefore not only recommended, but urged 
upon all workers for the slave, and examples are given of the good 
results obtained from the schools already in existence. 

The address of 1828 to the citizens ^ of the United States bears 
entirely upon the question of abolition in the District of Columbia, 
the object especially desired by the abolitionists of the period. It 
claimed that the District was the property of the nation, and drew 
the conclusion that all citizens of the nation had a right to express 
an opinion as to its government, and to urge such methods as they 
deemed best. It then continued in the argument for abolition: 
"We are well aware that some will contend for the legality of 
Slavery, as tolerated in some parts of the United States, and in- 
sist that the question of its abolition should be left to the decision 
of the people of the District, themselves. When we consider that 
slaves are, generally, viewed as property this kind of reasoning 
assumes a specious appearance; yet it must be borne in mind, that 
the inhabitants of the District of Columbia are not represented in 
any legislative body; but that the sovereignty over that particular 
section of the country is vested in the people of the States. — And 
when we reflect that the question has long since been settled 
whether a legislative body possesses the right to enact laws for the 
prohibition or extinction of slavery — that it has indeed been 
acted on, by several of the State Legislatures and also by Con- 
gress — we think that no reasonable doubt can be entertained as 
to the expediency of the measure in the present case. It is well 
known that a very large proportion of the citizens of the United 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, pp. 17-20. 



184 Influence of the American Convention : Addresses 

States are inimical to the system of Slavery; and it is believed by 
many intelligent persons who are themselves residents of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, that a great many of the inhabitants thereof are 
desirous for its total abolition. Viewing the subject in this light we 
cannot for a moment hesitate in urging your attention to it." 

This address refers to a number of memorials on the District 
of Columbia from friends of abolition in the slave states of North 
Carolina, Tennessee, and Maryland; and especially to the peti- 
tion presented at the last session of Congress, signed by over one 
thousand of the inhabitants of the District. If there had been 
ground for doubt, those doubts should have been forever set at 
rest by the fact that so many of the residents of the District had 
themselves raised their voice in its favor. The writers did not 
expect to accomplish their work without real opposition, for they 
declared that the discussion of the question would produce "lively 
interest" and "violent opposition." "Not only the opponents of 
emancipation in the South may be expected," they say, "to throw 
impediments in our way, but the prejudice against the unfortu- 
nate and degraded Africans, and the self-interest of many others 
will also be arrayed against us." They, however, appealed calmly 
and dispassionately to the good sense of the people of the nation, 
and to the men in authority especially, to give the matter full and 
serious consideration, and to weigh well the consequences of tolerat- 
ing within the District of Columbia a "system that has proved 
uniformly destructive to every nation that long permitted its con- 
tinuance." They appeal principally, however, to the benevolent 
and philanthropic feelings of their readers, against slavery as a 
great moral and political evil. Not only do they consider the honor 
of the nation at stake, but the example has a pernicious influence 
even upon the opposers of slavery, when they come under its in- 
fluence. As proof they mention the fact that several members of 
Congress from free states had voted on the pro-slavery side after 
a period of residence in the capital. "Let, then," they say in 
closing, "all who are sincerely desirous to wipe from our moral 
escutcheon this crimson stain, come forward at this interesting 
crisis, and raise their voice in favor of the great principle of uni- 
versal hberty, and the inalienable rights of man." 



CHAPTER XVII 

INFLUENCE OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION: MEMORIALS 

Memorials were frequently presented to the various legislative 
bodies of the nation, under the distinct authority of the Conven- 
tion. The larger number urged abolition in the District of Colum- 
bia, but other matters were occasionally treated. A memorial 
which referred to "the promotion of the interests" of slaves was 
presented to Congress^ in 1816. Another on the sale of forfeited 
negroes (and also on abolition in the District of Columbia) was 
sent in 1818 to the national Congress; ^ and yet another, received 
by both houses of Congress in December, 181 9, declared against 
the further admission of slave states into the Union. ^ The rest of 
the Convention memorials * bear upon the abolition of slavery in 
the District, and in 1821 ^ and 1827 ® the prohibition of its further 
increase in Florida. Memorials for abolition in the District of 
Columbia were sent in 1818,^ in 1821,'' in 1825,^ in 1826,^ in 
1827,'° and in 1828.'' 

The text of many of these memorials is extant, and while couched 
in respectful language, they express in unmistakable terms a de- 
testation of slavery, and a sympathy with radical measures. A few 
extracts will represent their character. 

" Memorial. ^^ To the honourable the Senate and House of Rep- 

1 Annals of Congress, 14th Congress, ist Session, 147. Several subjects for memo- 
rials were presented at this session, and it is very probable that they were combined in this 
single memorial. These subjects were : the prevention of smuggling, the restriction of 
the domestic slave trade, and of kidnapping, and the repeal of state restrictions on eman- 
cipation. 

2 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1818, pp. 56-59; Annals of Congress, 15th 
Congress, 2nd Session, 430. 

3 Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 24, 736; American State Papers, 
Misc. Vol. 2, No. 470, p. 547. 

4 So far as distinctly recorded. 

5 Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, ist Session, 910; Minutes of the American Con- 
vention, for 1 82 1, pp. 46, 47. 

6 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, pp. 30, 31. 

7 Ibid, for 1821, pp. 41, 42. ^ Ibid, for 1825, pp. 31, 32. 
9 Ihid. for 1826, pp. 39, 40- ^^ Ib^<I- for 1827, pp. 29, 30. 
" Ihid. for 1828, pp. T,2i, 34. '- Ibid, for 182 1, pp. 41, 42. 

18s 



1 86 Influence of the American Convention : Memorials 

resentatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, 
The Memorial of the American Convention for promoting the 
AboHtion of Slavery, and improving the condition of the African 
Race, Respectfully sheweth, 

" That in the pursuit of the object of their association, your 
memorialists feel it their duty to call your attention to the territory 
over which Congress holds exclusive legislation. The patriot, the 
philosopher and the statesman, look to this spot, where the legis- 
lative authority of the Republic has an uncontrolled operation, 
for that perfect system of laws, which shall at once develope the 
wisdom of the government, and display the justice and benevo- 
lence of its policy. 

"Is it not an incongruous exhibition to ourselves as well as to 
foreigners who may visit the seat of the government of the nation, 
whose distinguishing characteristic is its devotion to freedom, 
whose constitution proclaims that all men are born equally free, 
to behold, on the one hand, the representatives of the people, as- 
serting, with impassioned eloquence, the unalienable rights of man ; 
and, on the other, to see our fellow men, children of the same Al- 
mighty Father, heirs, like ourselves of immortahty, doomed, for a 
difference of complexion, themselves and their posterity, to hope- 
less bondage? 

" Deeply impressed with this sentiment, your memorialists do 
earnestly, but respectfully, request your honourable body to take 
into your serious consideration the situation of Slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia; to devise a plan for its gradual but certain 
abolition, within the limits of your exclusive legislation; and to 
provide that all children born of slaves, after a determinate 
period, shall be free." 

The memorial ^ of 1825, to the State Legislatures, speaks of 
the fact that the existence of slavery in the District had "long 
been a source of deep regret to a large portion of the citizens of the 
United States, as well as to the friends of human rights and liberty 
throughout the world." The memorialists are convinced that "a 
strong and simultaneous effort" by all interested in its abolition 
would "imperiously engage the attention of Congress," especially 
if such effort were sanctioned by the State Legislatures. There- 
fore the Convention appeals to the Legislatures of the several 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1825, pp. 31, 32. 



Influence of the American Convention: Memorials 187 

states to do what is in their power to bring the matter vigor- 
ously before Congress. A strong plea is based upon the con- 
viction that every state shares in the opprobrium, however 
abhorring the guilt. "We entreat you, therefore, by your regard 
for justice and the rights of man — by your religion, and the wel- 
fare of our common count^;y — by your respect for yourselves, and 
for the honour of your constituents, not to suffer the present ses- 
sion to elapse, without a recorded vote, which shall be your witness 
to posterity that, if the exclusive territory of the national govern- 
ment remains to be polluted by the footsteps of a slave, it is be- 
cause your exertions in the cause of liberty have been unavailing." 

The memorial * presented to Congress in 1826, praying for 
abolition in the District of Columbia, is very similar to that of 
182 1, yet perhaps a shade stronger in some at least of its expres- 
sions. In place of mentioning the incongruity of slavery and free- 
dom, and giving utterance to somewhat sentimental phrases about 
the " children of the same Almighty Father . . . doomed ... to 
hopeless bondage," they say that after a half-century's existence as 
a free nation they still behold, even in the national capital, "an 
odious system of oppression — they find the natural repository of 
Freedom, a depot for Slaves.'' Other nations were making rapid 
progress toward the extirpation of negro slavery from the earth, 
and the United States should not be the last to cooperate in this 
glorious cause. " We entreat you, by the respect you owe to your- 
selves, and to the opinions of mankind — by the honor of our 
common country — and finally by all that is held dear to the states- 
man, the patriot and the christian, to wipe away this foul reproach 
from the Nation." The method proposed was the same in both 
instances : gradual abolition by the emancipation of the post nati. 

The memorial^ on the same subject in 1827 has a stirring close. 
" We respectfully submit that the honor of our common country, 
a decent respect for the opinions of mankind, and the strong in- 
junctions of Christianity, alike call for your interference upon this 
momentous subject." 

The memorial ' presented in 1828 differs in some important 
particulars from its predecessors. " To the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled. — the 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1826, pp. 39, 40. 

2 Ibid, for i;'27, pp. 29, 30. 3 Ibid, for 1828, pp. ZZ^ 34- 



i88 Influence of the American Convention: Memorials 

Memorial of the American Convention, etc., respectfully rep- 
resents. That your memoriahsts being citizens of this free repubhc 
and feeling in a high degree thankful for the favours and protec- 
tion of its benign government, are sohcitous, in common with all 
the advocates of true liberty, that its benefits should be extended 
to the whole human family — that all mankind might be permitted 
to enjoy peaceably, the full fruition of natural rights, and the great 
blessings of heaven, while here on earth, the right to 'life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness.' Your memorialists, without presum- 
ing to question the dignity, superior wisdom, and qualifications of 
your honourable body, would ask leave most respectfully to urge, 
as a sentiment, every day gaining a wider spread, and a deeper 
root, in the best feelings of freemen, that slavery is alike derogatory 
to the present enlightened condition of man, and a solecism in the 
institutions of our country ; without in any degree, wishing to ap- 
peal to the prejudices, either sectarian or geographical, of any por- 
tion of your honourable body, your memorialists cannot consent to 
withhold themselves from the influence of the irresistible current, 
manifest in the march of mind, towards perfection, and are there- 
fore free to acknowledge that they cannot, as consistent Republi- 
cans, omit to raise their voices, in a respectful petition to their 
government in behalf of the sufferings, the privations, and the un- 
merited degradation of their fellow-men, — the colored people of 
America." 

After a few words in regard to the rights and privileges of the 
separate states, the memorial continues: "With these preliminary 
remarks your memorialists will ask your paternal and special at- 
tention to the subject of Slavery in the District of Columbia.'" The 
usual assertion is repeated of the right of Congress to legislate for 
the District, even on such subjects as this. The government of 
the District should be conducted in the manner that the majority 
of the people demand, and now "the clearly expressed public 
opinion is against the continuance of slavery — and by every rule 
of right, slavery should cease, as soon as practicable, within the 
national domain. Under a full conviction of tlie truth of this doc- 
trine, and the justice of their cause, your memoriahsts ask of your 
honorable body, the immediate enactment of such laws as will 
ensure the abolition of slavery within the District cl Columbia, at 
the earliest period that may be deemed safe and expedient, accord- 



Injluence of the American Convention: Memorials 189 

ing to the wisdom of Congress. They ask this, conscientiously be- 
heving that this is the sentiment and expectation of the nation, and 
believing that the example will be gradually followed by many of 
the Southern States, as the evils, impolicy and injustice of slavery 
are more and more developed." 

The three main fields for the exercise of national authority over 
slavery were the slave trade, the District of Columbia, and the ter- 
ritories. The Convention saw clearly the fighting material in each 
of these questions. Of the two memorials on the prohibition of 
slavery in the newly acquired territory of Florida, the first, sent to 
Congress ^ in 1821, is introduced by these words: "The American 
Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving 
the condition of the African Race, being deeply impressed with the 
magnitude of the evil of involuntary servitude, beg leave to call the 
attention of Congress to the devising of such means as may be 
practicable for preventing its extension." It expresses a hope that 
the United States will follow the example of the South American 
Republics in this matter, thus hastening the period when our 
country will no longer furnish an exemplication of the truth that 
those who are most zealous in asserting political and religious 
liberty for themselves are too prone to trample on the claims of 
others to these blessings. 

The memorialists considered the evils of slavery so uniformly 
admitted that it was not worth while to discuss them in the memo- 
rial ; the only need was to call attention to the especially favorable 
occasion for "circumscribing these evils and discountenancing this 
injustice," which they believed to be offered to Congress in the 
power and opportunity of legislating for Florida. They cite, as 
arguments for the wisdom of their demand, the action of the first 
Congress in prohibiting slavery in the Northwest Territory, and the 
fact that the previous Congress had restricted slavery north of Mis- 
souri, thus proving that Congress had the right to make such re- 
strictions. " Such being the case, we beseech you, by your duty to 
your fellow-creatures and to posterity, and by your duty to that 
Almighty Being who controls the destinies of nations, to strive to 
mitigate and limit an evil, so universally acknowledged and de- 
plored." They then ask for a law prohibiting the further introduc- 
tion of slaves into Florida. While they think a sufficient number of 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, pp. 46-48. 



190 Influence of the American Convention : Memorials 

good arguments for such a law have already been given, they bring 
forward a few more, especially applicable to the territory in ques- 
tion. They declare that the vacant lands of the new states and 
territories have always been looked upon as the common property 
of the people of the nation, and therefore as open to settlement to 
all, from whatever section they might come. "Introduction of 
many slaves into a territory, will totally prevent the settlement of 
free labourers within it. All the States adapted to the cultivation 
of the valuable staples, cotton, sugar and tobacco, having been 
hitherto open to the migration of slaves, it appears but equitable 
now to reserve a district for the free labourer to occupy in the 
culture of these articles." They feel it only just that the citizens 
of the free states should have a chance at the new lands and the 
most lucrative business without the surrender of their principles. 

The memorial ^ on Florida in 1827 calls the time an opportunity 
to display and enforce the principles of liberty without encroaching 
upon private rights, or state sovereignty. After a few words of 
eulogy of the United States as a nation, mention is made of the one 
cause of reproach by their enemies, the existence of slavery in 
their midst. Why, it asks, is slavery allowed among a free people ? 
The best answer, in the opinion of the writers, is that the founders 
of our nation thought, at its beginning, that emancipation would 
be dangerous, in the then existing state of the South. They de- 
clare that the slaveholders of that period would gladly have ex- 
changed their slaves for other property. They mention the 
numerous efforts of the societies to diminish the quantity of the 
evil, averring that, conscious of the limited power of Congress, 
they have presented no petitions for action outside the constitu- 
tional power of that body. Of late the question of the acquisition 
of Florida gives a chance for trial whether a southern latitude 
necessarily requires the establishment of domestic slavery, or 
whether the district in question would not be better off with free 
labor. It was an unsettled question, and this time would be a 
favorable one for forever settling it. Another consideration pre- 
sented itself ; the long, unsettled coast of Florida, and its nearness 
to the West Indies, made evasions of the slave trade laws extremely 
easy. If the country were settled by free yeomanry, it would be a 
strong protection against slave smugglers. " Our most respectful 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1827, pp. 30, 31. 



Infiuence of the American Convention: Memorials 191 

request is that Congress will be pleased to prohibit, by law, the 
further introduction of slaves into the Territory of Florida." 

None of the memorials drawn up by the American Convention 
seemed to produce any effect upon the legislation of Congress, or 
even upon the attitude of any individual member. Many of them 
were not presented, and the others were simply referred to some 
committee, and there buried. 

The infiuence of the American Convention upon the public is 
hard to estimate ; some authors look on it as a minor factor, if a 
factor at all in the anti-slavery history of our country. Sometimes 
it is sneered at, as a mere "convention," a meeting of delegates to 
talk but not to do. From the earliest period to the present day, a 
feature of our national life is the convention, where representatives 
of various bodies meet as accredited delegates, to consult, debate, 
and perhaps to decide points of the greatest importance to the 
nation. One author, in speaking of the last meeting of the Ameri- 
can Convention, said that the delegate system was dead.' That is 
not true. Though "The American Convention of delegates from 
Abolition Societies" had ceased to meet, its principles and methods 
lived on in the new society, which in a great degree adopted the 
delegate system, and often called its meetings conventions. The 
change was not so much one of leaders or the organization of an 
opposition society, as a change of policy. Many of the leaders in 
the earlier period worked no less vigorously in the later and some 
became as prominent under the new regime as they had been under 
the old. 

The American Convention has many points of resemblance with 
the Confederation, and its successor, the American Anti-slavery 
Society, with the United States under the Constitution. The later 
society had many branches and auxiliaries, only partially inde- 
pendent. Its executive committee, or the representatives in its 
annual meetings, like Congress, could decide upon plans of work, 
levy assessments to carry them out, and collect the money due. 
The earlier society had no central organization other than the 
Congress, or Convention, save, perhaps, the Acting Committee, 
which was supposed in the intervals of the Convention to work 
along the lines laid out for it at the meetings. It was a confedera- 
tion of many independent societies, with differing constitutions and 

^ William Birney: "James G. Birney and His Times," p. 411. 



ig2 Influence of the American Convention: Memorials 

often differing aims. It could and did make plans and recommend 
them to the societies, and announce the proportionate sum needed 
from each in order to carry them out. But it had no power to force 
compliance, in any sense of the term, and its directors often com- 
plained of an empty treasury. 

Before 1808 the leadership of the Convention was strong, and 
the earlier meetings especially were enthusiastic and well attended. 
The work planned by the Convention was vigorously carried out by 
the societies, which acted largely as agents in the different states. 
Later, however, its addresses to the societies lost what little au- 
thority they had, and became mere recommendations. It also 
became more difficult to raise the money necessary for the general 
work. Mr. Birney says that the "primacy" of the American Con- 
vention was not acknowledged by the societies formed between 
1820 and 1830. This is certainly true, but rather misleading. So 
far as can be found in the reports of the Convention for 1809 to 
1829 inclusive, which include the addresses from all the societies 
represented, and often from many 'others, that primacy was not 
at any time acknowledged by any society whatever, nor claimed 
by the Convention. It pretended only to the position of an advi- 
sory council, and as such its pretensions were acknowledged by 
all societies, later as well as earlier. If it in any sense assumed 
the first position, it was only because it was open to delegates from 
all societies, and was composed of the most prominent members of 
each. For nearly the whole period after 1809 the Convention 
served principally as a meeting place for those most interested in 
the cause, where, as in our modern religious conventions, they 
might discuss plans for work, and receive encouragement and an 
access of enthusiasm; but whose acts were only binding upon the 
individual societies so far as they decided to make the action of 
their delegate their own. Still it served a good end during its 
existence, especially as it held the societies together during the 
transition period, before the introduction of the- more centralized 
methods of work. The addresses sent out served the purpose of 
keeping alive in the minds of the people the fact that there was an 
evil which it was their duty to combat and that there was a society 
through which they could work. It scattered anti-slavery litera- 
ture broadcast over the country, and rendered it possible for every 
one to possess ample knowledge of the needs of the cause, and 
of what was being done by the leaders. 



Influence of the American Convention: Memorials 193 

The Convention is often criticised as not aggressive, and as too 
ready to use mild terms and pleasant phrases, rather than to set 
itself decidedly on the side of truth, whatever the consequences. 
The quotations already made from the published reports of the 
Convention show, however, that the members both could and did 
denounce slavery as an unmitigated evil ; and possibly more fiery 
words came from many of the delegates, in the debates of the Con- 
vention, which have not been preserved to us. The actual reports 
of the Convention, intended as they were for circulation among 
abolitionists and slaveholders alike, are rather conciliatory and 
persuasive than fiery and aggressive. But a reading of the discus- 
sion of the various plans of emancipation shows that they had a 
clear judgment as to how far and in what direction they could go 
without arousing the opposition of the slavocracy. They judged 
accurately what measures might be accepted by the different states, 
and considered it the part of wisdom to work in those directions. 
They did not, like the abolitionists of the later period, batter at 
any wall which they especially wished to attack, no matter if it hap- 
pened to be the most strongly guarded. They preferred to effect 
an opening into the citadel wherever they could, hoping that when 
entrance was once made, they might, through hard fighting, reach 
their goal. It does not seem just to accuse these men of luke- 
warmness or half-heartedness. 

There are, in fact, two sides to the argument on the method of 
abolition. It is a question whether the slower, more circuitous 
route, if persevered in, might not have resulted in as much good 
to the slaves and the nation at large as the vehement battering at 
the defences. It is an indisputable fact that after thirty years of 
aggressive fighting, with the war cry of "immediate and uncondi- 
tional emancipation" resounding continually in the ears of the 
slaveholders, the slave states wei^e in i860 no nearer to freedom; 
while the area devoted to slavery was decidedly increased, and sec- 
tional jealousy grew instead of waning. And at last slavery was 
abolished, not by the concerted action of all the people of the states, 
or even of the majority, but first as an arbitrary war measure, and 
then by the vote of a Congress representing none of the radical 
slavocracy and accepted by them onlv because in no other way 
could they regain their place in the Union. 

Forty years have passed since the struggle, and already the grave 
13 



194 Influence of the American Convention : Memorials 

question is making itself heard in some parts of the land, whether 
the wholesale freeing of the slaves, with no better provision for their 
education and uplifting, was not a mistake; and whether the 
South is not, in her new laws, evading the Fifteenth Amendment, 
forced upon her in the days of her weakness. There is no question 
as to the wisdom of the abolition ; few, even of the most violent 
Southerners, would willingly reestablish slavery; but the negro 
problem is one which will tax the wisdom of our legislators for many 
years to come. If it had been possible to leach the end by education 
and persuasion, without the bloody war and humiliating condi- 
tions, some, at least, of its difficulties would have been eliminated. 
The census tables give some countenance to the claim that many 
of the states were, in 1830, approaching freedom. Whether they 
would ever have reached it without the war is a question which 
can never be satisfactorily settled. 

The real influence of the American Convention during this 
struggle was, it seems just to say, in holding the ground already 
won till the new recruits should be in the field, and in bringing for- 
ward men who were to take their places among these new fighters, 
some to become their leaders. 



CHAPTER XVIII 
MOVEMENT OF SLAVES, AND COLONIZATION 

The whole slavery question was much affected by the steady 
growth of the negro population, through natural increase and 
through importations, despite slight diminutions through escapes 
and through the removal of the free blacks. To understand the 
purposes of the anti-slavery people we must understand somewhat 
of the slave trade, foreign and domestic, of fugitive slaves, and of 
colonization. The African slave trade presented a very different 
aspect to the anti-slavery workers after 1808. It was illegal, yet 
desired by many citizens of the North as well ,as of the South. 
Accordingly, smuggling was frequent and convictions few. The 
American Convention of 181 2 published a list of thirteen slavers 
brought before the English admiralty courts at Tortola, Sierra 
Leone, the Bahamas and London, between April, 1810, and May, 
181 1. Although the papers of these vessels were Spanish, Ameri- 
cans were found on board as officers, supercargoes, or members of 
the crew, and from other circumstances it seemed as if the vessels 
belonged to the Americans. The trade was opposed to the moral 
sentiment of many Northerners, and to many in the Border states, 
and it was not hard to get from Congress several amendatory pro- 
visions. Thus in 18 18 the burden of proof was thrown on the 
defendant; the President was autliorized in 1819 to station vessels 
on the coast of Africa to intercept the slavers; in 1820 the slave 
trade was declared to be piracy; and in 1824 a treaty was nego- 
tiated with Great Britain for a joint suppression of the traffic. 

The Legislatures of several Southern states passed severe laws 
in 1816-1817 against the introduction of slaves from any ^ foreign 
ports. The slave trade was denounced publicly by newspapers of 
Baltimore - in 182 1; and memorials from the people of many dif- 
ferent states were received ^ by Congress in 1822. Nothing was 

1 Niles' W^eekly Register, ii. 399. 

2 Ibid. 20. 323; The Genius of Universal Emancipatron, i. 5. 

3 These were from the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, Jan. 21, 1822 (Annals of Con- 
gress, 17th Congress, ist Session, 747); from Virginia, Jan. 29 {Ibid. 824); from the 

195 



196 Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 

done, although the question was discussed a few times.* It was 
one thing to declare the slave trade piracy, and another to secure 
the conviction and punishment of a slave trader. One such was 
pardoned by President Monroe in 1822, and the inference drawn 
by Niles is that the President would not be likely to execute the 
more severe law that had just been passed.^ 

The domestic slave trade was an evil the extent of which was 
apparently not anticipated by those who prohibited the African 
slave trade, leaving that in American-born negroes to continue 
unchecked. It was a constantly growing evil, beginning with the 
comparatively innocent buying and selling of slaves by the indi- 
vidual owners to satisfy their individual needs or desires. By 
degrees, as the importance of slavery increased in the South, the 
trade increased; men took up slave trading as a business, and 
slaveowners in the Border states began to breed slaves for the 
Southern markets. The domestic slave trade was never illegal, 
but for two reasons it was often opposed : first, because of the cru- 
elty too often accompanying it; and second, the conviction that 
without its prohibition slavery would never be abolished. It was 
the first of these reasons which made such men as John Randolph 
denounce ^ it as "an infamous traffic"; and converted Lundy into 
an abolitionist.* The slave markets at the South were often de- 
nounced; Birney tried to abolish them by law.^ Neither slave 
markets nor slave auctions were approved by the best citizens,^ 
and such advertisements were often excluded from even Southern 
newspapers, because against the sentiment of both the editor and 
the public.^ As early as 182 1 a strong denunciation of both the 
domestic and the foreign trade appeared in the Baltimore Chron- 
icle.^ The memorial of the inhabitants of the District of Columbia, 
presented in 1828, describes the horrors of the internal slave trade 
in the District, and gives that as a great reason for abolition.^ It 

American Colonization Society, Feb. 6 (Ibid. 922); from North Carolina, Feb. 21 (Ibid. 
1113); and from the inhabitants of New York, Feb. 28 (Ibid. 1150). 

1 See the Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, 2nd Session, 1064; 17th Congress, ist 
Session, 1535; 17th Congress, 2nd Session, 332; i8th Congress, ist Session, 2397, 3001; 
Register of Debates, i8th Congress, 2nd Session, App. 23, 73- 

2 Niles' Weekly Register, 22. 114. 

' Annals of Congress, 14th Congress, ist Session, 1115; see above, p. 21. 

^ Earl: "Life of Lundy," pp. 14, 15. 

5 See above, p. 20. 

^ Basil Hall: "Travels in North America," 3. 34-41; see above, p. 38. 

7 Niles' Weekly Register, 30. 323. 

* The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 5. 9 Pamphlet copy. 



Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 197 

was even proposed in 1823 or 1824, in the Presbyterian General 
Assembly, to deny the communion to slave traders/ and in 1829 
the Chillicothe Presbytery actually passed such a recommendation.^ 

While the larger number of the state non-importation laws can- 
not be proved to refer to importation from other states, as well as 
from Africa, yet some seem to include both, while others definitely 
mention the prohibition of the interstate trade.^ 

The absolute and immediate prohibition of the interstate slave 
trade, at least, is usually found among the provisions of the plans 
for gradual emancipation during this period. Lundy advocated ■* 
it in his plan printed in 182 1 ; another, in 1825, primarily for North 
Carolina, prohibited the importation of slaves from any place 
whatever; ^ and a part of that formulated in North Carolina by 
Swaim in 1830 was a similar provision." Another plan in 1821 rec- 
ommended its abolition after ten or twenty years. ^ 

Opposition to the domestic slave trade was a regular part of 
the work of the anti-slavery societies. The Anti-slavery Tract 
Society denounced^ it in 1828; and the Pennsylvania Abolition 
Society in 1825 and 1827 remonstrated against it very strongly, 
placing it in the same class as the foreign slave trade, which no one 
openly defended.^ There were also memorials from the societies 
against the domestic slave trade, usually including it with the 
foreign trade. The Tennessee Manumission Society sent such a 
memorial ^^ in 1823; a committee was appointed by the Maryland 
Abolition Society in 1825, and again in 1827, to draft memorials on 
this subject; ^^ and the North Carolina Manumission Society advo- 
cated in 1826 a law in that State to prevent either exportation or 
importation of slaves. ^^ 

The beginning of the real opposition to the trade in the Ameri- 
can Convention was in 182 1, although the matter was mentioned 
in 1816; and the plan of emancipation adopted in 182 1 included 

1 Candler: "A Summary View of America," p. 323; see above, p. 98. 

2 Pamphlet copy of address, p. 10; see above, p. 100. 

3 See above, pp. 50, 53. 

* See above, p. 26. 

5 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 187; see above, p. 40. 

* See above, pp. 123, 124. 

' The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 43; see above, p. 79. 
8 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1828, pp. 44-52; see above, p. 136. 
8 Ibid, lor 1825, p. 11; for 1827, p. 38; see above, pp. 144, 145. 
1" Annals of Congress, r7th Congress, 2nd Session, 642; see above, p. 132. 
'1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 20; 7. 13; see above, p. 135. 
^2 See above, p. 138. 



198 Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 

the prohibition of the domestic slave trade. ^ In that year, and also 
in 1823 and 1825, a standing committee was appointed to consider 
both the foreign and the domestic trade.- In 1828 it was made 
much more prominent by the appointment of a special committee 
to consider it, no longer combining it with either the foreign slave 
trade or kidnapping.^ 

The report of the committee in 1828 was interesting.* The 
principal slave markets were the territories of Florida and Ar- 
kansas, and the states of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and 
Louisiana; while the breeding states were Delaware, Maryland, 
the District of Columbia, parts of Virginia, Kentucky and Ten- 
nessee. The principal evils growing out of the trade they con- 
sidered to be the kidnapping and decoying away of free colored 
persons, and the selling of time-servants into irredeemable slavery. 
The business of the slave trader was perfectly open and freely 
advertised, the number transported by sea from Baltimore by one 
trader alone amounting to several hundreds per annum. 

Notwithstanding all the opposition, however, nothing was ac- 
complished, and the domestic slave trade continued to grow un- 
checked, save by the ordinary laws of supply and demand, until 
the final abohtion of slavery in 1863. 

The question of the losses of slaves through escapes to free 
states or to foreign countries has been treated in two able mono- 
graphs, and it is established that the Underground Railroad, whose 
work for the fugitive slaves was so great and so important in later 
times, made a beginning even before the year 1808, perhaps as 
early ^ as 1786; while stations in Ohio were definitely noticed as 
early as 1816 or 1817. The question of escapes to Canada was 
referred to in the debates in Congress in January, 182 1, and a reso- 
lution was attempted, advising an arrangement with Great Britain 
for their return. ** In the negotiations of 1826-1828 the subject 
was mentioned, but no provision was made for the return of the 
fugitives. 

Canada and Mexico were both too distant to offer refuge to 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for 1821, p. 53; see above, p. 159. 

2 Ibid, for 1821, pp. 22, 23, 30; for 1823, p. 43; for 1825, p. 28; for 1826, pp. 7, 42; 
see above, pp. 159, 160, 162, 163. 

3 Ibid, for 1828, p. 14; see above, p. 159. 
^ Ibid, for 1828, pp. 22-24. 

5 Siebert : "Light on the Underground Railroad," in the American Historical Review 
for April, 1896. 

6 Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, 2nd Session, 941. 



Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 199 

many slaves, and since slavery still existed in some degree in the 
most of the Northern states up to 1830, the fugitive slave question 
was not the ex-parte matter that it became later, and it entered 
very htde into the anti-slavery agitation. 

The only question of slave population which took hold of the 
popular mind was the project of removing free negroes, or all 
classes of negroes, out of the borders of the United States altogether. 
The question aroused from 1808 to 183 1 more debate than any 
other phase of the anti-slavery contest. Was colonization anti- 
slavery in its aim ? Was it a scheme of the pro-slavery advocates, 
meant to throw dust in the eyes of the great mass of the anti- 
slavery supporters, and lead them away from really effective work 
against the system ? If anti-slavery in aim, was it able to accomplish 
the work it wished to do ? These questions and many others have 
often been asked since the foundation of the American Coloniza- 
tion Society in 1816; and the question is still unsettled. In the 
period of active partizanship the evidence was little definite, but 
it is worth while to examine briefly the opinions of those who hved 
during the period which is under discussion. 

Among the most ardent advocates of colonization were many 
active anti-slavery workers, and many of the more moderate friends 
of anti-slavery. The plan was applauded by Jefferson ' in 181 1, who 
considered it "the most desirable measure which could be adopted 
for gradually drawing off this part of our population ; most advan- 
tageous for themselves as well as for us"; and by Edward Coles, 
the vigorous opposer of slavery in Illinois. It was recommended ^ 
by the Presbyterian General Assembly in 1818, in an address to 
the churches denouncing slavery. The Methodists of the Cam- 
bridge Circuit, Maryland, cordially approved of the scheme, and 
expressed in 1826 their approbation in the same address in which 
they denounced slaveholding Christians. ^ William Maxwell, who 
published essays against slavery in the Norfolk (Va.) Herald, in 
1826, advocated the Colonization Society as a means of removing 
the evil.* Paxton, whose letters against slavery aroused such oppo- 
sition that he himself was made to suffer for them, approved of the 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 12. 122. 

2 Niles' Weekly Register, 16. supplement, p. 153; see S. J. May: "Some Recol- 
lections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict," p. 11. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 252. 
* Ibid. 5. 369. 



200 Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 

plan, and gave practical proof of it in the colonizing of his own 
slaves.' Gerrit Smith said" in January, 1831 : "The Colonization 
Society may exert an important influence on the question of slav- 
ery — an influence which may yet compass the abolition of slavery 
in our land." A writer in the Kentucky Western Luminary, in 
1830, after declaring that something must be done quickly to reheve 
that state from her burden of slaves, advises gradual emancipation 
by law, and exportation to Liberia.^ Two other writers, "Marcus" 
in 1819, and a writer in the Russelville (Ky.) Messenger in 1827, 
considered the aim of the society to be the good of the blacks, but 
claimed that it was entirely inadequate to produce the good effects 
desired.* 

Some strong pro-slavery men also considered this society aboli- 
tionist in its tendencies. "Brutus," in "The Crisis" (1827), said : ^ 
"As long as the Colonization Society openly professed to no other 
object than the removal of free negroes, it had but httle support, 
and was confined in its operations to a few States ... no emanci- 
pation was held out, and the abolitionists were of course indifTer- 
ent to its success," then the leading members, "to make their 
scheme more palatable," avowed its great object to be emancipa- 
tion, and zeal in its favor increased. The "Southern Review" in 
1828, in discussing the report of the American Colonization Society 
for 1827, said^ that the members regarded slavery as an enormous 
evil, and were anxious to keep alive excitement on the subject; 
that the tendency of the society was to cause ultimate emancipa- 
tion. An article by "Caius Gracchus" in the Richmond (Va.) 
Enquirer for October 11, 1825, opposed the Colonization Society 
on the ground that it was abolitionist.' Senator Hayne of South 
Carolina, in discussing in Congress, in 1827, the making of an ap- 
propriation for the American Colonization Society, said : ^ " Are 
not the members and agents of this Society everywhere (even while 
disclaiming all such intentions) making proclamations that the end 
of their scheme is uni'^ersal emancipation? . . . Does not every 

1 Paxton : "Letters on Slavery," pp. 2-4. 

2 Report of the American Colonization Society for 1831, p. xii. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 11. 63. 

* Ibid. 6. 194; Pamphlet by "Marcus," pp. 13, 14. 

6 "Brutus: The Crisis," p. 137. 

8 Southern Review, Charleston, S. C. i. 226. 

'^ The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 96. 

8 Register of Debates, 19th Congress, 2nd Session, 328. 



Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 201 

Southern man know that, wherever the Colonization Society has 
invaded our country, a spirit of hostility to our institutions has im- 
mediately sprung up? " 

These expressions, from men of every shade of opinion on slav- 
ery, may be matched by equally strong quotations on the other 
side. The committee of the American Convention in 1818 re- 
ported that the Colonization Society did not appear to further the 
ends the Convention had in view, and recommended that it have 
nothing to do with it.' At later meetings of the Convention the 
matter was occasionally brought up, but no real support was ever 
given to the society. The American Convention declared that the 
investigation which their committee had made of the question had 
settled the matter, so far as they were concerned. Little was ever 
said in those meetings in favor of compulsory colonization ; but the 
question of voluntary emigration to Hayti was never settled. 
Meetings in Boston in 1822 and Ohio in 1826, discussed the rela- 
tion of the Colonization Society to anti-slavery, with no distinct 
decision.^ Webster, when appointed in 1822 to draft a constitu- 
tion for a Massachusetts Colonization Society, announced after a 
brief period of investigation that he would have nothing to do 
with it, because it was merely a scheme to get rid of the free blacks.^ 

Two English travelers, of especial acuteness of perception, 
agreed from their observations that colonization was not an anti- 
slavery measure, and one even called it pro-slavery.* Daniel Ray- 
mond of Baltimore also argued against it.^ A free-state man, 
writing in the Christian Examiner of 1832, said of the Coloniz- 
ation Society:^ "It does not oppose, but rather encourages the 
curse and scandal of our country: viz. negro slavery. ... It 
encourages the domestic slave trade. ... It exercises a wither- 
ing influence on the free blacks; vilifying them on all occasions, 
and repressing their energies; thereby fostering that unholy preju- 
dice on the part of the whites which has made the free colored 
people a degraded caste. ... It induces the North and the South 

1 Minutes of the American Convention, for i8i3, pp. 30, 38, 47-54, 65-68. 

2 Niles' Weekly Register, 23. 39; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 62. 

3 Pamphlet, "Hancock"; Jay: "Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery," p. 584; 
Bowen : " .Arthur and Lewis Tappan," p. 3. It is said, however, (Liberty Almanac, 1851, 
p. 21), that he turned completely round in 1851. 

* Hlane "Travels through the United States and Canada," pp. 227, 228; Candler 
"A Summary View of America," pp. 305, 306, 317. 
^ Raymond: "The Missouri Question," pp. 5-8. 
8 The Christian Examiner, 14. 204-220. 



202 Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 

to contribute to its funds by arguments diametrically opposed to 
each other." The article then gives many of these arguments. 

The free colored people of Philadelphia were unanimously op- 
posed to the scheme. In three successive years they held meetings 
denouncing it and entreating the workers for the slave not to 
countenance it in any way. In 1817 over three thousand of them 
assembled and unanimously answered in the negative the ques- 
tion "x^re you willing to accept its offers?" and with "painful 
solicitude and sorrowing regret" addressed the "humane and 
benevolent inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia," beseeching 
their disapprobation of the scheme of the American Colonization 
Society, "Let not a purpose," they said, "be assisted which will 
stay the cause of the entire abolition of slavery in the United 
States and which may defeat it altogether ; which proffers to those 
who do not ask for them, benefits, but which they consider injuries, 
and which must insure to the multitudes whose prayers can only 
reach you through us, misery, sufferings and perpetual slaver y.^^ ' 

When we find such widely contradictory opinions from those 
who should know something of the aims and tendencies of the col- 
onization scheme, it seems wise to turn directly to the statements 
of the society itself, its constitution, reports and addresses ; and to 
the words of its most prominent members. Even here we find the 
same uncertainty, the same contradictions. Bushrod Washing- 
ton, in his first address^ as President, at the annual meeting in 

1818, said: "And should it lead, as we may fairly hope it will, to 
the slow but gradual abolition of slavery, it will wipe from our 
political institutions the only blot which stains them; and in palli- 
ation of which, we shall not be at liberty to plead the excuse of moral 
necessity, until we shall have honestly exerted all the means which 
we possess for its extinction." Three years later Bushrod Wash- 
ington sold a large number of slaves from Mount Vernon. The 
comments of the press are interesting; many anti-slavery men see 
in his action a conclusive proof of the lack of anti-slavery senti- 
ment in the society ; some pro-slavery men find comfort in it for 
the same reason; while many members of the American Coloni- 

^ This was signed by James Forten as President, and Russell Parrott as Secretary 
(see above, p. 92; Lewis Tappan: "Life of Arthur Tappan," pp. 135, 136; Minutes of 
the American Convention, for 1818, App. i-iv; Needles: "History of the Pennsylvania 
Society for the . . . Abolition of Slavery," p. 66). Another meeting on November 16, 

1819, also passed resolutions protesting against the plan (Niles' W'eekly Register 17. 201). 
2 First Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, p. 2. 



Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 203 

zation Society, among them Bushrod Washington himself, see 
nothing inconsistent in their action/ 

Mercer of Virginia, in the first annual meeting of the society in 
1818, professed to apply its benefits to slave as well as free.^ " The 
laws of Virginia," he said, "now discourage, and very wisely, 
perhaps, the emancipation of slaves. But the very policy on which 
they are founded will afford every facihty for emancipation, when 
the colonization of the slave will be the consequence of his libera- 
tion." Henry Clay, in the same meeting,^ and General Harper, in 
a letter * found in the same report, expressed the opinion that the 
society would promote emancipation. In 18 19 the society sug- 
gested ^ that if the colony should prosper, the results, including 
the reduction of the number of slaves in America, no human sagac- 
ity could either foresee or compute; and the address adopted at 
Baltimore on October 17, 1827, declares: "It is by this means that 
the American Colonization Society hope to reheve their country 
from the baneful institution of slavery, our burden and dishonor." ^ 
A sermon ^ by John H. Kennedy for the Pennsylvania Colonization 
Society in Philadelphia, in 1828, after a description of the Coloni- 
zation Society, said: "Finally, the Society will promote emancipa- 
tion and will effect, as we believe finally, the extinction of Domestic 
Slavery." Custis, a prominent member, said^ in 1821 : "We 
ardently pray to be delivered from the evil of slavery. ... I 
trust that this noble charity has at length opened the way by 
which we may be saved from our heaviest calamity." 

The constitution of the society, however, sets forth no interest 
in abolition, and some at least of the managers disclaimed the idea 
of abolition in connection with it. "A Friend to Colonization," 
writing in 182 1, said that with the rights and opinions of persons 
on the subject of slavery it had nothing to do whatever.^ It had no 
object in common with the abolition societies of the North, which 
sought to emancipate anywhere, no matter what conditions it 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 21. i, 39, 70; Blane : "An Excursion through the United 
States," p. 227; etc. 

2 First Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, p. 8. 3 Ibid. p. 9. 
* Ibid. p. 21. Harper and Mercer expressed very similar sentiments also in 1824; 

(Seventh Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, pp. 7, 8, 12, 13; "Brutus: 
The Crisis," p. 123). 

6 Report of the American Colonization Society, for 1819, p. 17. See also p. 8, however. 

*> Pamphlet report of the meeting (signed copy), p. 10. 

' Pamphlet copy of Kennedy's sermon, p. g. 

8 Report of the American Colonization Society, for 1S31, p. xxi. 

9 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 73. No name is given. 



204 Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 

would bring about, "These societies, proclaiming principles in- 
jurious to the slaves themselves, and dangerous to the whites, are 
yet the bitterest enemy of a society whose aim is simple, safe, and 
really humane, and whose prosperity is the only rational ground 
of hope of getting rid of the evils and sins of slavery consistently 
with the true interest of the blacks. The real friends of the Coloni- 
zation Society think that the success of their scheme will have an 
inevitable tendency to effect a gradual emancipation, as the con- 
venience, the interest and the safety of our country shall permit." 
In 1820 the managers said ^ expressly: "They do not, therefore, 
intend and they have not the inclination, if they possessed the 
power, to constrain the departure of any freeman of color, from 
America, or to coerce any proprietor to emancipate his slaves.''^ 
The Society in its ninth annual meeting, in January, 1826, distinctly 
disclaimed " both the design "of interfering, on the one hand, with 
the legal rights and obligations of slavery, and on the other, of 
perpetuating its existence within the hmits of the country." The 
debate on this subject in the Virginia Legislature in February of 
this year only touched on the colonization of the free blacks.^ 

In the meeting preliminary to the formation of the society, in 
1816, these words are used : "* "It is scarcely necessary to add 
that all connection of this proposition with the emancipation of 
slaves, present or future, is explicitly disclaimed. No vested rights 
of any party are proposed to be in the least affected by it, unless 
beneficially." Gerrit Smith, in January, 1831, in a speech already 
quoted,^ said further: "Whilst the society protests that it has no 
designs on the right of the master in his slave — or the property 
in his slave, which the laws guarantee to him — it does neverthe- 
less admit, and joyfully admit, that the successful prosecution of 
the objects of the Society must produce moral influences and 
moral changes leading to the voluntary emancipation of the slave, 
not only in our country, but throughout the world." Benham, 
in the same year, stated ® the equivocal position of the society ; 
some people thought it abohtionist, others thought it the idea of 

1 Third Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, p. 22. Italics as in the 
original. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 163; Niles' Weekly Register, 29. 329; 
Report of meeting, p. 10. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 5. 209. 
■* Niles' Weekly Register, 11. 296. 

^ Report of the American Colonization Society, for 1831, p. xii. 
8 Ibid. p. xxiii; see also report for 1819, p. 8. 



Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 205 

the slaveholders, and it was therefore combated by both. Jay 
quoted many statements of various dates to prove that it was not 
anti-slavery.* The Committee of the national House of Repre- 
sentatives to whom the subject of colonization v/as referred, after 
careful consideration, reported favorably to the House on April 
18, 1 818. They stated in this report ^ that they would not favor 
the plan if it sought to impair in the shghtest degree the rights 
of private property, or the personal liberty of freemen. But the 
resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia on the subject, and the 
various statements and resolutions of the Colonization Society 
excluded the "remotest apprehension" of this. 

John Quincy Adams, in a communication to President Monroe 
on the subject of colonization, gives his opinion of its equivocal 
nature.^ "This project is professed to be formed: i, without in- 
tending to use any compulsion upon the free people of color to 
make them go; 2, to encourage the emancipation of slaves by their 
masters; 3, to promote the entire abohtion of slavery; and yet, 4, 
without in the slightest degree affecting what they call a certain 
species of property — that is, the property in slaves. There are 
men of all sorts and descriptions concerned in this Colonization 
Society: some exceedingly humane, weakminded men, who have 
really no other than the professed objects in \iew, and who hon- 
estly believe them both useful and attainable; some, speculators 
in official profits and honors, which a colonial establishment 
would of course produce ; some, speculators in pohtical popularity, 
who think to please the abolitionists by their zeal for emancipation, 
and the slave-holders by the flattering hope of ridding them of the 
free colored people at the public expense; lastly, some cunning 
slave-holders, who see that the plan may be carried far enough to 
produce the effect of raising the market price of their slaves." 

This is perhaps the only safe deduction from the conflicting state- 
ments, examples of which, merely, have been given. It is most 
probable that the difference of opinion in regard to the anti-slavery 
tendencies of the American Colonization Society were radical and 
widespread. Prominent abolitionists supported it because it 
seemed to them to promise ultimate abolition; strong pro-slavery 

1 William Jay: "Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery," pp. 28, 29, 30, 36, 55, 57, 63, 
70, 78, 80, 87, Q7, QQ, 100, 106, 114, 115, etc., etc. 

2 Niles' Weekly Register, 15. supplement, p. 42. 

3 John Quincy Adams : Diary, 4. 292. 



2o6 Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 

men opposed it for the same reason. Other pro-slavery men wel- 
comed it as providing a source of relief from the presence of the 
free blacks without in any degree threatening their right of property 
in slaves ; while earnest workers for the slaves denounced it for this 
same reason. The upholders of the scheme who honestly believed 
in its feasibility, and its anti-slavery tendencies, were not all " weak- 
minded," as we have seen from the quotations already given. But 
the majority of the strong anti-slavery men arrayed in its favor 
were in New England, where the large proportion of the citizens 
knew nothing from actual experience of the condition of affairs in 
the South. Few of them had traveled in that region ; intercommuni- 
cation was scanty and deficient, especially in view of the somewhat 
jealous attitude of the Southerners in many places, and their un- 
willingness in many instances to discuss the matter thoroughly 
with Northerners, whom they suspected with some show of reason 
to have abolition sentiments. It was not strange that these could 
have an inadequate idea of the labor they had undertaken, and 
the possible results from it. 

The anti-slavery men of the South, and the states immediately 
bordering upon the slave states, nearly all opposed the scheme as 
pro-slavery, or doubted it as inefficient. Never, in the palmiest 
days of the society,, were the funds sufficient to export annually a 
number of negroes equal to one twenty-fifth of the natural increase 
by births in the same period of time. There were other insurmount- 
able obstacles in the way : the expense of the long journey, the im- 
potence of a colony of such material as they would find willing to 
go to Africa, and the jealousy of all pro-slavery men if they found 
any slaves liberated for the purpose of colonization. The spread 
of a feeling of opposition to slavery was not more likely to be pro- 
duced by this m.eans than by other methods familiar to those 
having the good of the slaves at heart. 

Colonization, it seems, therefore, was not in itself anti-slavery; 
it was advocated by some anti-slavery men, but not by those most 
conversant with the condition of affairs in the slave states, nor by 
those who took the trouble to make a real investigation for them- 
selves instead of trusting to the recommendations of others.-^ It 



1 The plan was always and uncompromisingly opposed by both Arthur and Lewis 
Tappan (Lewis Tappan : "Life of Arthur Tappan," p. 135, etc.) and by Wilberforce. 
Some who vehemently opposed manumission without colonization on the ground of the 



Movement of Slaves, and Colonization 207 

was not necessarily anti-slavery in its tendencies, since the re- 
moval of the bulk of the free blacks would have made it easier to 
keep the slaves in complete subjection, and to take from them such 
incentives to rebellion as they might otherwise find in the presence 
of freemen of their own color. 

corrupt character of the free blacks in America, are among those who argue the most 
strongly in favor of sending these same free blacks to Africa, on the ground that they will 
Christianize and civilize that continent. How were these two arguments reconciled? 
Did their authors try to reconcile them ? 



CHAPTER XIX 
TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS OF SLAVERY 

Most important in the cause of anti-slavery was the establish- 
ment of an area of freedom, first by the action of the northeastern 
states individually, then by the action of Congress, in the Ordi- 
nance of 1787, and then in the Missouri Compromise. In none of 
these areas of freedom was slavery nominally reestablished, al- 
though in one or two the rcestablishment was attempted, and 
a somewhat hard-fought battle resulted. 

The story of the anti-slavery struggle in Indiana has often been 
told. The Ordinance of 1787 prohibited slavery in that state in 
common with the rest of the Northwest Territory. In Ohio there 
was never a real pro-slavery agitation, and very little holding of 
slaves contrary to its provisions. Further west virtual slaveholding 
was more common. In Indiana there were many held as slaves, 
and many others brought from the South on indentures, or as 
so-called "apprentices," and free permission to hold them seemed 
to many of the settlers a boon worth a considerable effort to ob- 
tain. Hence a territorial law, passed in 1807 and in force till 1810, 
provided that owners of slaves desiring to move into the territory 
might bring their slaves with them and bind them to service by an 
indenture for whatever time the master and slave should agree 
upon. If the slave would not consent to be indentured within thirty 
days after arrival he was not freed, and the owner had sixty days 
to remove him to a slave state. All slaves under fifteen thus brought 
in might be held till they were thirty-five or thirty-two, according 
as they were men or women. All children of indentured servants 
were considered as bound to the ages of thirty and twenty-eight, 
respectively.^ This system, while not nominally a violation of 
the Ordinance of 1787, was to the bondman practical slavery. 

Not content with this restricted form of slavery, some inhabitants 
of Indiana, especially in the southern part of the territory, felt that 

1 B. A. Hinsdale: "The Old Northwest," p. 353. 
208 



Territorial Questions of Slavery 209 

their prosperity would be greatly increased if they should be allowed 
to import laborers who should practically cost nothing in wages, 
and whose hours of labor might be regulated by the master. Con- 
sequently four petitions, chiefly from Knox County, were sent to 
the Territorial Legislature, asking that that body would pray Con- 
gress for a repeal of the anti-slavery clause. Other residents of 
the territory were as strongly opposed to such repeal, and pre- 
sented eleven petitions, principally from Dearborn and Clark 
Counties, against any legal admission of slavery. The Legislature 
refused to petition Congress for a change, but a number of peti- 
tions from the inhabitants of the territory found their way to the 
national House of Representatives, where, however, they met with 
no success.^ In January, 1808, a petition from sundry inhabit- 
ants of Dearborn County was read in the House of Representa- 
tives. It requested a transference to the state of Ohio, because of 
an act of the Indiana Territorial Legislature which seemed to 
them distinctly pro-slavery; probably the indenture act.^ 

The first real political struggle over the question was in the elec- 
tion, in the autumn of 1808, of a delegate to Congress for the term 
beginning in 1809. During that summer and autumn the Indiana 
"Log Convention" did its work, the notices of the meetings being 
given at the log-rollings everywhere in the neighborhood.^ Nearly 
the whole population attended; slavery and the "southern aris- 
tocracy" were denounced, and the determination expressed to 
nominate an anti-slavery delegate in opposition to the candidate of 
their opponents. George Hunt was nominated as delegate, sub- 
ject to revision by other like conventions. Joseph Holman, a lad 
of twenty, was appointed to confer with the settlers in other sec- 
tions. If they had already met, professed the same views as Hol- 
man represented, and an acceptable candidate had been appointed, 
Hunt's name was to be withdrawn in his favor. The result was 
the nomination and subsequent election of Jonathan Jennings, an 
anti-slavery man.* This was the practical end of the struggle, for 
Jennings was reelected * in 1810 and 181 1; the indenture act was 



1 J. P. Dunn: "Indiana: A Redemption from Slavery," pp. 367-370. 

2 Annals of Congress, loth Congress, ist Session, 133 1. 

3 The fullest account of this convention is in A. W. Young: "The History of Wayne 
County, Indiana," pp. 94, 95. 

* Ihid. p. 95; W. H. Smith: "The History of the State of Indiana," i. 188-189 
5 Smith: "The History of the State of Indiana," i. 190. 
14 



\. 



2IO Territorial Questions of Slavery 

repealed ^ in 1810, and the repeal was confirmed in the Council by 
the casting vote of its President. 

When Indiana was about to come into the Union in 1816, the 
question was fitfully debated, the constitutional convention ap- 
parently considering slavery the most important point before it.^ 
The constitution as finally adopted prohibited the further intro- 
duction of slaves, but there is a doubt as to the slaves already held. 
The Bill of Rights declared all men "equally free and independ- 
ent," while the franchise was not limited to whites. Article VIII 
prohibited the amendment of the constitution to allow slavery, and 
Article XI prohibited at least further introduction of slaves and in- 
dentures made out of the state. The court decisions assumed ^ 
that this article intended the entire prohibition of slavery. Never- 
theless slaves were still held in Indiana, even as late as 1840; in- 
dented negroes were sometimes sold; and a suit for freedom was 
contested for five years, although at last it succeeded.* 

The Indiana fugitive slave act of 1824 (declared unconstitutional 
in 1850) seems to show an anti-slavery spirit. It allowed the claim- 
ant to bring the fugitive slave before any justice of the peace for 
absolute decision ; but either party had the right to appeal, and in 
that case the trial was to be before a jury.^ 

The most characteristic incident in the anti-slavery movement 
from 1808 to 183 1 was the struggle over the admission of Mis- 
souri as a slave state. Without going into the details of the con- 
test, the question whether it was a political or a social struggle may 
be considered. Did those opposing the admission argue against 
slavery per se, or merely against the adding of another slave state 
to endanger the balance of power, and against the restriction of 
the rights of the citizens of the free states ? It was undoubtedly a 
political struggle for the balance of power, but the evils of slavery 
and the argument against slavery per se were freely discussed in 
Congress and by the abolition societies. The address of the Penn- 
sylvania Abolition Society, after the passage of the Compromise, 
expressed " satisfaction at the "limits set to the extension of this 
evil" and the probability that some parts of our country would be 

1 Smith : " The History of the State of Indiana," p. 189; Dunn : "Indiana," p. 405. 

2 Dunn: "Indiana," pp. 426-431. 

3 J. C. Hurd: "The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 127; see below, p. 223. 
■1 Smith: "History of Indiana," i. 191; Dunn: "Indiana," p. 434. 

5 J. C. Hurd: "Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 129. 
8 Alinutes of the American Convention, for 182 1, p. 10. 



Territorial Questions of Slavery 211 

definitely "saved from this scourge of humanity." The Friends' 
Yearly Meeting sent a memorial expressive of their disapproval of 
extension, laying little or no stress on the political side of the 
question.^ 

Memorials and resolutions were adopted by many State Legis- 
latures, many of v^^hich denounced slavery as an evil, and based 
the opposition on moral as well as political grounds.^ Pennsylvania 
stated that the measure proposed " to spread the crimes and cruel- 
ties of slavery from the banks of the Mississippi to the shores of 
the Pacific." The resolutions adopted by Vermont were to this 
effect: i. slavery is a moral and pohtical evil ; 2. Congress has the 
right to prohibit slavery in new states; 3. the Legislature "views 
with regret" the attempt to make Missouri a slave state; 4. the 
Senators from Vermont were instructed to use all legal means 
against slavery in Missouri. Resolutions passed by the House of 
Assembly in New York nearly unanimously made no mention of 
political issues, declaring simply against further extension of slavery 
as an evil to be deplored.^ 

Other resolutions were sent from mass meetings in the different 
states.* The Hartford resolution declared slavery to be an evil, and 
repugnant to republicanism. The Boston meeting states that "if 
the progress of this great evil is ever to be arrested it seems to the 
undersigned that this is the time." They declared against the in- 
crease of slavery, as an evil, as well as detrimental to the rights 
of the citizens of the free states. The meeting in Chester County, 
Pennsylvania, pronounced the admission of Missouri as a slave 

1 Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 739. 

2 Of this number were: Pennsylvania in 1819 (VVm. Darlington: "Desultory Re- 
marks on the Missouri Question," pp. 5, etc., quotations from the American Republican, 
(a newspaper) of 1819, 1820; " Liberty," quotation from a speech by Wm. B. Reed in the 
Pennsylvania Legislature) ; Ohio, 1819 or 1820 (Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 399; Annals 
of Congress, 16th Congress, ist Session, 361); and Vermont in 1820 (Annals of Congress, 
i6th Congress, 2nd Session, 78). 

3 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 399; 19. 192; Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist 
Session, 311. 

4 These were by New Jersey (Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 189), New York {Ibid. ij. 
199), Chester County, Pennsylvania (DarHngton : "The Missouri Question," p. 4), 
Boston, Mass. (Pamphlet copy); Niles' Weekly Register 17. 241, Baltimore, Maryland 
(Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 304), and Hartford, Conn. (American State Papers, Misc. 
Vol. 2, No. 481, p. 572; Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 2457), in 1819; 
and from Rhode Island (American State Papers, Misc. Vol. 2, No. 479, p. 568; Annals of 
Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 2452), and New Haven, Conn. (Annals of Congress, 
i6th Congress, ist Session, 69), in 1820. The resolution from Chester County, Penn. may 
have been the same as that presented to the Senate by Mr. Sergeant in December, 1S19, 
as from Philadelphia (Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 241 ; Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, 
ist Session, 737). That from Baltimore may not have been truly anti-slavery. 



212 Territorial Questions of Slavery 

state both impolitic and unjust. Darlington stated that its leaders 
were neither "Federalists" nor "fanatics." They resolved that all 
counties should be asked to hold similar meetings and a circular 
was sent to the representatives of the state in Congress. This does 
not necessarily imply a denunciation of slavery from the moral 
standpoint, but the speech of the member of Congress from 
Chester County, in the House of Representatives, is full of argu- 
ments from that point of view, and we are justified in believing 
that it was not overlooked in the meeting. 

The meeting at New York was, perhaps, more productive of 
results than those already mentioned. Slavery per se was de- 
nounced, and an "Address to the American People" prepared. It 
was probably this address which led to the meeting at Newport, 
Rhode Island, which was held at the State House. The circular 
letter from New York was read, and resolutions passed denounc- 
ing slavery as inconsistent with the genius of our republican insti- 
tutions ; as producing fatal effects on the principles and the morals 
of men; and its extension as an insurmountable obstacle to the 
practical stoppage of the slave trade. In these resolutions which 
were read in the Senate in January, 1820, there is no mention of 
the right of citizens, the entire argument is against slavery per se. 

Individuals also published in the various periodicals of the 
country denunciations of slavery and its extension into Missouri. 
"A Pennsylvania Democrat" wrote ^ to the American Republican 
of December 28, 18 19, declaring that in his opinion the propaga- 
tion of slavery in new states was as "abhorrent" as the slave trade, 
"and equally unworthy of a people professing the principles of 
liberty." He believed that it would really promote the slave trade. 
"We love our country," he says, "and it is because of this love, 
that we raise our voices against the further extension of that dead- 
liest foe to our country's happiness — human slavery." Another 
letter on January 11, 1820, signed "A Pennsylvanian," declared^ 
that no American ever yet dared to vindicate human slavery in the 
abstract, or to justify the bondage of his fellow-man upon any plea 
but necessity. 

Four pamphlets issued in Connecticut in 1820 are among the 
most interesting anti-slavery publications in these years. The first 

1 William Darlington : "Desultory Remarks on the Missouri Question," pp. 8-10. 

2 Ibid. p. 10. 



Territorial Questions of Slavery 213 

declares * decidedly that slavery is "intrinsically wrong" and that 
its moral consequences are precisely what might be expected from 
the violation of the laws of God and of nature. Another - is against 
slavery per se; the author shudders at the thought that the ques- 
tion is to be decided by a fallible tribunal. "It is a disgrace to 
the American name. It is a blot on the human character." 
"African slavery originates in treachery and violence, bloodshed 
and murder." He speaks of the dangers of arbitrary power, of the 
evils of the slave codes, the inconsistency of slavery and republi- 
canism, the dangers arising from a preponderance of the blacks, 
the degradation of labor, and the moral degradation of slavery. 
The third, ^ printed at the same place, perhaps by the same author, 
is no less vigorous. It says: "Those who justify African slavery 
deny the truth of God, by claiming that he has not made of one 
blood all the 'sons of men.'" The fourth * of these pamphlets 
purports to be a proclamation from the state of Virginia to the free 
states. It is decidedly satirical, for while nominally upholding 
slavery and its increase, it is in reality a strong plea against it. It 
certainly seems likely to have caused as much ill-feeling as any of 
the writings of Garrison, provided it was circulated at the South. 
It begins: 

"The High and Mighty, the Burgesses of the Royal State of 
Virginia, to the people of the non-slave-holding States — A Procla- 
mation. The welfare and happiness of the body politic, depends 
on the subordination of the inferior members to the head. This is 
most happily illustrated by the subjection of the slave to his mas- 
ter, in our system of domestic slavery, which places under our 
absolute and individual controul, in many instances, hundreds of 
human beings, thereby impressing on our minds, and on the minds 
of our children, correct ideas of freedom and republican principles. 
This is manifested by a dignified air, arising from a sense of supe- 
riority, and by an unabashed adherence, at all hazards, to what- 
ever may tend to our own gratification and interest. . . . Notwith- 
standing these and other equally imperative claims, there has 
appeared in the non-slave-holding States a stubborn spirit, rising 

1 A pamphlet entitled "A Caveat, or considerations vs. the Admission of Missouri 
with Slavery"; see especially, p. 21. 

2 "The Crisis, No. i," published in 1820 in New Haven, Conn., and distinctly said to 
have been occasioned by the Missouri agitation. 

3 "The Crisis, No. 2," published at the same place, and by the same author. See 
especially p. 6. ■* "Pocahontas; a Proclamation." 



214 Territorial Questions of Slavery 

up against our reasonable requisitions, and which has been pecul- 
iarly manifested on the Missouri bill, involving a question which 
they presumed to moot, respecting the right of the slave-holding 
States to extend slavery. This spirit has been engendered no doubt 
by the chagrin which they felt at seeing our royal state of Virginia, 
and her subsidiary slave-holding states rising, by this measure, to 
such political importance, that we shall soon be able to place our 
foot, and the yoke of our power on the necks of the contumacious. 
Envious, too, at our superior attainments, unalloyed by bodily 
exertion, which result from that blessed system, by which we are 
able to reverse the primitive enunciation, ' In the sweat of thy face 
shaft thou eat" bread,' and to discard the subsequent injunction, 
'If any would not work, neither should he eat.' The declaration 
that God made of one blood, all the sons of men, must be con- 
strued in a qualified sense, and is answered by this inquiry, did 
God make of one blood the pampered, high-bred, dandy-cut, 
ladylike Virginian, and the miserable, untaught, score backed, 
shackle galled African? The threadbare tales, that all men 'are 
created equal, that they are endued with certain unalienable rights, 
among which are life, liberty, &c.' are well selected topics of de- 
fiance, when holding these declarations in one hand, and the sword 
in the other; but do nature, or liberal-minded individuals, regard 
such appeals, when urged by wretched suppliants ? . . . We do now 
most strictly and solemnly enjoin all the people of the non-slave- 
holding States to desist from any attempts, hereafter, to oppose 
the will or wishes of their rightful lords, the slaveholders and their 
associates. ,• . . Then every neck shall bow, and every knee shaU 
bend in token of their submission. The laws prohibiting the im- 
portation of slaves shall be repealed. The laws prohibiting the 
domestic slave trade, and slavery, those birthrights of the South, 
shall be removed. . . . Our manufacturies, or slave-breeding estab- 
lishments shall flourish. Slave dealers, kidnappers, and negro 
drivers shall run to and fro through the land, and shall greatly 
multiply. . . . When slavery shall thus arrive to its maximum of in- 
crease, and extent, then, and not till then, shall the lords and people 
of the slave-holding States arrive to their maximum of enjoyment 
and earthly happiness ! 

" Given at our imperial city of Richmond, the first year of 
the crusade for unlimited slavery ! " 



Territorial Questions of Slavery 215 

Mass meetings of Northerners might perhaps reflect the feehngs 
of a few radical abohtionists ; and Northern Legislatures might be 
willing as a body to utter words and pass resolutions much more 
radical than they would be willing to utter in the presence of strong 
Southern sympathizers. Individuals, also, might write over a nom 
de plume stronger words than they would like to be held responsi- 
ble for by the general public. It is true that such words as have 
already been quoted might not have had much influence upon leg- 
islation, and are not in reality a part of the discussion of the ques- 
tion in the only body where such discussions were of importance 
to the passage of the bill. Better evidence is the language of those 
members of Congress who were willing to put themselves on record 
as opposing slavery per se, when face to face with its ardent 
upholders. 

The member of Congress from Chester County, Pennsylvania, 
to whom reference has already been made, declared ^ that the prop- 
osition to prohibit slavery in Missouri was merely for the purpose 
of securing that state from "the dreadful curse of slavery"; that 
slavery was universally considered a great moral and political 
evil, and that it was the duty of other states to interfere, because it 
affected their posterity. Slavery "is a malignant disease upon the 
body politic," he adds. Taylor of New York called upon the 
South to exclude slavery from Missouri, because they had often 
said that it was a sin, and deplored it. If they did not exclude it 
they were hypocrites.^ Morrill of New Hampshire called slavery 
a plague.^ "It innoculates like contagious disorders," he said, 
"will you diffuse without limits this destructive evil?" Plumer of 
New Hampshire spoke * of the "foul plague" and "injustice" of 
slavery. "What is morally wrong can never be politically right" 
seemed to him an unanswerable argument. "We think of slavery 
as if it were an evil, merely," he said, "and forget that it is also a 
crime. . . . Slavery is in itself, by the laws of God and of nature, a 
moral offence." Later he calls it "this pestiferous institution." 
Cushman of Maine felt ^ that the institution must " have an eft'ect 
in some instances injurious to the finer feelings of the heart." 
"Sir," he declared, "could I even reflect with indifference on such 

1 Darlington: "The Missouri Question," pp. 19-25. 

2 Annals of Congress, 15th Congress, 2nd Session, 11 74. 

3 Ibid. i6th Congress, ist Session, 148. 

4 Ibid. 1411-1440. 5 Ibid. i6th Congress, 2nd Session, 1016. 



2i6 Territorial Questions of Slavery 

scenes of agony and human woe, I should be ashamed to claim 
kindred with the human race." Foote of Connecticut detested 
slavery, but believed that Congress had not the power to prevent 
its extension.^ Sergeant of Pennsylvania stated slavery to be a 
great moral and political evil, and asks "Why should we spread an 
acknowledged evil? " ^ 

John Quincy Adams, in his diary ^ of the events of this period, 
uses strong words against Southern slavocracy, and characterizes 
slavery as the great and foul stain upon the North American Union. 
The Missouri Compromise was "a dishonorable compromise with 
slavery." Still he favored it as the best possible under the existing 
constitution. "But perhaps," he continued, "it would have been 
a wiser as well as a bolder course to have persisted in the restric- 
tion," even though it meant the dissolution of the Union. The 
temporary dissolution of the existing Union he would consider a 
small evil, if by its means slavery could be abolished, and a new 
and stronger Union formed on the basis of universal freedom. 

Benton was so sure that the whole Missouri agitation took its 
rise from the substance of two speeches in the House of Represen- 
tatives that he urged * that henceforth no anti-slavery speech from 
the North should be disregarded. He admitted that no Southerner 
could be found who was ready to defend slavery in the abstract. 
They were, however, more ready to defend the institution since 
the attack upon it by the North. The whole tenor of Benton's 
argument shows that he considered the struggle not merely one for 
precedence, but distinctly against the institution of slavery. No 
doubt the struggle had the simply political side ; many of the men 
who spent all their strength in the contest looked upon it merely 
as a struggle for the balance of power; but some, at least, saw a 
chance for fighting slavery per se in this effort to make it a more 
prominent feature in the Union, and to spread it into territory in 
which it had never taken root. 

It is remarkable that after the tremendous excitement over 
slavery in Missouri, the institution should almost have been estab- 
lished in the free state of Illinois. No petition against the Ordi- 
nance of 1787 seems to have been made in lUinois prior to 1813, 

1 Annals of Congress, i6th Congress, ist Session, 1171. 

2 Ibid. 1206. 

3 John Quincy Adams: Diary, 4. 492. 524. 53^\ 5- 4. 6, 10, 11, 12. 

4 Benton: "A Thirty Years' View," 1/136. 



Territorial Questions of Slavery 217 

although as slaves had been freely held by the French settlers, the 
institution existed there. In 181 2 the Legislature prohibited the 
immigration of free negroes, and ordered the registration of all 
then in the territory ; violation of either law was subject to severe 
penalties. 1 In 1813 they petitioned Congress to allow the holding 
of slaves to work in the salt mines in Shawneetown. There seems 
to have been no action on the petition, save its reference to a select 
committee.- Since no result came from this petition the territorial 
Legislature apparently took the matter into its own hands, and 
passed a law providing that slaves might, with the consent of their 
owners, hire themselves for work in lUinois, such action not being 
considered as in any way affecting the master's right of property 
in the State where they belonged.^ 

The constitution of lUinois, adopted in 1816, like that of Indiana, 
was ambiguous on slavery." Talmadge of New York expressed 
himself in Congress as thinking that slavery was not sufficiently 
prohibited, but the constitution was finally accepted, and Illinois 
admitted. A law in 1819 at once raised a new doubt. It provided 
that all negroes without certificates of freedom should be arrested 
as runaways, hired out and advertised. If not claimed within a 
year, however, they were to be given certificates of freedom. ^ 

The real anti-slavery struggle in Ilhnois began in 1822. There 
were over nine hundred slaves held ^ there at that time, and pro- 
slavery sentiment was active. Runaway slaves were advertised in 
the newspapers,'' and the pro-slavery advocates had become so 
numerous that it was only through a break in their ranks that an 
anti-slavery governor, Edward Coles, was elected. The majority 
of the Legislature was pro-slavery, or unwilling to use their in- 
fluence for anti-slavery measures. Governor Coles in his message 
in 1822 roused the slavery upholders by the recommendation of 
a law liberating the slaves of the French, and the repeal of the 
Black Code. The first act of the Legislature was to appoint a com- 
mittee on this particular part of the message. They reported in 

1 Hinsdale: "The Old Northwest," p. 354. 

2 Annals of Congress, 12th Congress, 2nd Session, 883. 

3 Hinsdale: "The Old Northwest," p. 354. 

* Ibid. p. 359; Annals of Congress, 15th Congress, 2nd Session, 306; J. C. Hurd. 
"Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 132, 133; Niles' Weekly Register, 15. 96. 

5 Hurd: "Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 134, 135; see note p. 135. 

6 See Table, Chapter L 

' Illinois Gazette, Shawneetown, 111., Mar. 2, 1822. 



2i8 Territorial Questions of Slavery 

favor of a Convention to alter the constitution so as to allow 
slavery, contending that although no state formed from the old 
Northwest Territory could be admitted as a slave state, yet after 
its admission it was free to do as it pleased in the matter. The 
details of the struggle are well known ; the manipulation of the elec- 
tions to secure a majority in favor of the Convention resolution, 
the vigorous fight carried on for two years by both sides, and the 
final victory for freedom/ 

It is a curious and interesting fact that Governor Coles, Daniel 
P. Cook (the Congressman), and ten out of the eighteen members 
of the Legislature who voted and worked against the Convention, 
were originally from slave states; while four of the leading spirits 
who advocated the Convention were from the free states: two 
from New York and two from Pennsylvania.^ 

Pamphlets and newspaper articles in plenty were published in 
the free states by the friends of liberty in Illinois, and sent to that 
state for free distribution. These pamphlets laid the greatest stress 
upon the economic side of the question, — the dearness of slave 
labor, and the steadily decreasing value of slave-tilled land. It 
was not esteemed wise to animadvert upon the moral evil of slavery 
at the expense of the economic, for the pro-slavery agitators ap- 
pealed to the supposed greater prosperity to be obtained from the 
holding of slaves. Consequently we do not find in the publications 
of this struggle much discussion of the moral standpoint. One 
pamphlet, "Remarks addressed to Citizens of Illinois on the pro- 
posed introduction of Slavery" spoke of slavery as contrary to the 
Golden Rule and the principles of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, and declared that the founders of the nation deplored it and 
expected it to cease. ^ But even here the greater portion of the 
argument was from the economic standpoint, — quotations from 
the experience of other states, and prophecies of evil to the 
laboring classes and landholders alike. 

Several anti-slavery societies formed during this struggle with 
the purpose of preventing the admission of slavery into Illinois 
remained in existence later, and took their part in the fight against 

1 Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," pp. 65-91; Wm. H. Brown: "An His- 
torical Sketch of the Early Movement in Illinois for the Legalization of Slavery " (1S65). 

- John Moses: "Illinois, Historical and Statistical," i. 324; Washburne: "Sketch 
of Edward Coles," pp. 105-118. 

3 Pamphlet copy, p. 4. 



Territorial Questions of Slavery 219 

slavery in the later period. Such were the societies formed in St. 
Clair County by John M. Peck, which soon had fourteen auxili- 
aries in as many counties/ the society at Edwardsville and many 
others. 

Morris Birkbeck, an English settler, wrote the appeal to the 
people of Illinois by the minority. It is a history of the struggle, 
describing the means used in the Legislature to procure a vote for 
the Convention, and denouncing slavery from all points of view, 
moral, political and economic.- In the latter part of the pamphlet 
Birkbeck said:^ "A dreadful inheritance is slavery, — even for 
those who inflict it ! There is no need to expatiate on the evils of 
slavery; they are too well understood in this country to require 
description. We all know — its advocates themselves know — 
that it comprehends every shade of crime, every degree of misery. 
And shall we, the free citizens of Illinois, hold forth our arms to 
embrace this monster? Shall we invite slavery with its train of 
crimes and calamities, and leave it a curse to our posterity for the 
sake of a little present convenience, a little temporary, precarious 
profit?" 

The fight was a hard one ; many who acknowledged slavery to 
be a curse were still anxious to introduce it, because they believed 
it would raise the price of the land they wished to sell.* Others 
revolted against outside influence from Pennsylvania and other free 
states, and hence the source of the most of the anti-slavery material 
sent from those states was kept a secret. The contest was, however, 
successful at last, and the attempt to admit slavery into a state 
where it had once been prohibited was a failure. 

Though Texas loomed up after 1825, the only other territorial 
question in which the anti-slavery people could use their influence 
was the status of the District of Columbia. No one ever doubted 
the right of Congress to legislate for the District, and its failure to 
act against slavery there was always regarded as conclusive proof 
that the pro-slavery interest was strongest in that body. Among the 
earliest anti-slavery petitions were some against slavery at the capi- 
tal, and memorials and petitions on the subject were exceedingly 

1 Washburne: "Sketch of Edward Coles," p. 170. 

2 Pamphlet copy; quotations in The Genius of LTniversal Emancipation, 2. 140, 156, 
158, from the Edwardsville Spectator and Illinois Intelligencer; Monthly Review, 103. 
171-179. 

3 Pamphlet copy, pp. 10, 11. 

* Blane: "Excursion through the United States," p. 170. 



220 Territorial Questions of Slavery 

numerous. Those from the American Convention have already 
been quoted/ In 1826 the inhabitants of Baltimore prepared a 
memorial, received in February, 1827, asking for a law freeing the 
post nati in the District of Columbia, and denouncing slavery as at 
war with the fundamental principles of the government, promoting 
idleness and encouraging vice, incompatible with the Christian 
religion, and weakening to the nation. There was some opposition, 
but signatures increased fast.^ The motion in Congress to print 
was combated on the ground that the people of the District of 
Columbia would lose their liberty if slavery were abolished except 
at their own request, and also because it "breathed the spirit of 
general emancipation." ^ For a time Congress seemed safe in its 
assertion that the people of the District of Columbia did not them- 
selves wish for abolition, but in 1828 a petition from the inhabit- 
ants of the District with one thousand and sixty signatures, was 
presented. It does not violently denounce slavery, but it still 
speaks of the tendency of slavery to corrupt the people, and to 
diminish the resources of the community.* 

The Legislature of Pennsylvania passed almost unanimously 
in 1828 a resolution to instruct and request the members of Congress 
from that state to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to 
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia in such a manner as 
they may consider consistent with the rights of individuals and the 
constitution of the United States.^ In New York there was an 
attempt in February, 1829, to do the same thing, but for political 
reasons it failed.^ 

The first real discussion in Congress on the subject of slavery in 
the District of Columbia between 1808 and 1831, was in December, 
1826, in reference to the imprisonment of the free blacks, to which 
especial attention had just then been called, through the case of 
Gilbert Horton.'' Miner's amendment directing inquiry in regard 

• 1 See above, pp. 159, 163, 185-189. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 103, 133. 

3 Register of Debates, 19th Congress, 2nd Session, 1099. A similar petition is re- 
'ferred to in The Genius of Universal Emancipation nearly a year later (8. 4). 

4 From a pamphlet copy printed as a House Document. See above, pp. 49, 50. 

5 Minutes of the American Convention for 1829, p. 24; Birney: "James G. Birney 
-and His Times," p. 411; Register of Debates, 20th Congress, 2nd Session, 167, 180; 

Nibs' Weekly Register, 35, 363. 

6 Niles' Weekly Register, 35. 433; Register of Debates, 20th Congress, 2nd Session, 
167, 17s, 191. It is said to have passed the Assembly on Jan. 28, 1829 (Birney: "J. G. 
Birney," p. 412). 

7 Register of Debates, 19th Congress, 2nd Session, 555. 



\ 



Territorial Questions of Slavery 221 

to the expediency of gradual abolition was decided to be inadmis- 
sible as an amendment, and was withdrawn.^ The committee to 
whom the other question was referred reported favorably, on the 
whole, but no action was taken.^ On January 6, 1829, Miner pre- 
sented a preamble and resolutions for an enquiry into the facts of 
slavery in the District, and the practicability of its gradual aboli- 
tion. His resolutions were passed by the House, after a discussion 
principally on the preamble which declared that the question had 
been neglected, and that many abuses had sprung up.^ But noth- 
ing was really done in the matter, and the District remained open 
to slavery. 

1 Register of Debates, 19th Congress, and Session, 558. 

2 Ibid. 654; Congressional Papers, Rep. No. 43, H. of R., 19th Congress, 2nd 
Session. 

3 Register of Debates, 20th Congress, 2nd Session, 167, 175, 191, etc 



CHAPTER XX 
COURT DECISIONS : QUESTIONS OF FREEDOM 

One of the most instructive and telling aspects of the slavery 
question is that presented by the court decisions of both the South 
and the North. Though they followed legal rules and precedents, 
they often reflected the private sentiment of the judge in regard to 
slavery, which was probably the average of public opinion among 
educated men. They also show the actual status of the negro, and 
the distance to which a judge could and would go in his favor when 
opposed to white men. There are few cases in the Northern courts 
after 1808, in comparison with those at the South, but those few 
are of much importance. We have very few records ' of trials in 
the lower courts of either the South or the North, but the appeals, 
and the trials in the United States Courts present an amount of 
material sufficient for independent treatment, should all details and 
classifications be completely studied and discussed. 

Three decisions concerned the legality or illegality of slavery in 
Northern states. Polly, a woman of color, was brought before the 
Knox Circuit Court of Indiana on a writ of habeas corpus. The 
defendant, Lasselle, plead that he had bought her before the cession 
of the territory to the United States, and that therefore she was a 
slave. The court gave her back to Lasselle, whereupon an appeal 
was taken, in July, 1820, to the Indiana Supreme Court, which 
held that " slavery is entirely prohibited within the State of Indiana 
by the express words of the constitution," and Polly was accord- 
ingly given her freedom.^ This interpretation of the constitution 

1 It is to be regretted that the reports of the lower courts of North and South alike 
were not printed and preserved, for thus much more valuable material would have been 
available. This is perhaps especially true of the South, where nearly all the trials of 
negroes were confined to these courts. Contemporary writers of articles in periodicals, 
and a rare instance of reference in the report of a higher court, are all upon which we can 
rely in the case of by far the larger part of the trials where the slave or the free black came 
before the law. This is still more true with regard to trials in the slave states where the 
trial had no concern with the freedom or bondage of the negro. Such cases of this sort 
as have been found are considered in the next chapter. 

2 J. D. Wheeler: "A Practical Treatise on the Law of Slavery," p. 352; J. C. Hurd: 
"The Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 127 ; i Blackford, 60. The State vs. Lasselle. 

222 



Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 223 

of Indiana was accepted by several Southern courts, especially of 
Missouri and Louisiana.^ The New York Court of Common Pleas 
at Onondaga held ^ in 1821 "that slavery cannot exist under the 
constitution of New York." The frame of mind of some free state 
judges is reflected in a Vermont case, of which no official report 
can be found. The Vermont Patriot stated in 1829 that "several 
years since" a slave escaped from New York to Vermont, and 
hired himself to a farmer. He was found by his master and taken 
into court, where several witnesses were brought to prove him a 
slave. The judge, however, declared that no proof was sufficient 
in his estimation except "a bill of sale from the Almighty." ^ 

In at least two cases the Indenture Law of Indiana was assailed 
as in conflict with the Ordinance of 1787, and therefore not capable 
of enforcement.* In one of them the negro was said to be offered 
by the indenture law the choice between two evils: to be taken 
back to a slave state and be a slave for life, or to stay in Indiana 
and be a slave for a term of years, very likely covering his life. 

North and South alike the negro who was certainly free was pro- 
tected in his freedom. Nobody approved of the kidnapper, and 
he was usually punished where legal evidence was obtainable. In 
New York, in 181 7, a kidnapper was sentenced to three years in 
the penitentiary. No fine was imposed because the negroes set 
free had cost him several thousand dollars.^ In a flagrant case in 
Indiana, a justice arrested a free negro for the purpose of running 
him out of the state. ^ The negro recovered $1000 damages at the 
Charlestown court, "and, I believe," says the writer who relates 
the incident, "if he had laid them at quadruple, the jury would 
have given him every cent." 

Many cases occurring at the South were treated with no less 
severity. Two kidnappers in Maryland, one in 1817' and the 
other in 1821,^ were each sent to the penitentiary for five years. 
In Delaware two men of "respectable connections," convicted of 

1 See below, pp. 228-230. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 12. Were we to have the ofBcial report of 
this decision it might explain its apparent discrepancy with facts. 

3 Ihid. 10. 7,7,. 

^ Hurd: "Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 127 (Mary Clark, 1821), and 125 
(Phoebe vs. Jay, 1828). 

5 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 415. 

* James Flint ; "Letters from America," Addenda, p. 309. Extract from a letter from 
John H. Farnham, Esq., Counsellor-at-law, dated Jeffersonville, Ind. The Legislature 
is said to have taken the matter up. 

^ Niles' Weekly Register, 13. 30. 8 JUd. 20. 303. 



224 Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 

kidnapping, were publicly whipped and cropped; ' and in 1818 
two negro women found guilty of this offence were condemned to 
be themselves sold into slavery.- A man in Louisiana who at some 
time before 1814 had arrested and sold a free negro woman was 
prosecuted, found guilty, fined, imprisoned, and made to pay 
heavy damages.^ In Virginia, in 1829, it was decided that stealing 
a free boy for the purpose of sale into slavery was punishable as 
kidnapping, even though the offender did not know that the boy 
was free, and even if the boy gave his consent.^ The law passed 
in Missouri Territory in 1818 on this subject declared ^ that "if 
any person shall hereafter be guilty of stealing or selling any free 
person for a slave, knowing the said person so sold to be free, and 
thereof shall be lawfully convicted, the person so convicted shall 
suffer death without benefit of clergy." No cases are noted in the 
reports of the higher courts of Missouri as a result of this law. A 
kidnapper was, however, sentenced to death in Wayne County, 
North Carolina, in 1818.* 

The slave trade after its prohibition in 1808 was a likely subject 
of judicial inquiry, yet the cases brought to trial appear to have 
been extremely few, and only one in a Southern court has been 
found. Without doubt scores of indictments failed, or the slave 
trade was condoned in innumerable instances. Northern courts, 
however, took a decided stand in a few cases. In Connecticut, 
in 1809, it was declared that the "trade" did not depend upon the 
actual sale, but upon the manifestly proved intention.' In Massa- 
chusetts, in 1820, a man who was found in a local court guilty of 
engaging in this trade appealed to the United States Circuit, where 
the judgment was reaffirmed;^ and in 1823 it was stated as the 
opinion of Judge Story, when United States Circuit Justice, that a 
vessel caught in the slave trade, though before she had taken slaves 
on board, was liable to forfeiture.^ A decision in New York in 
1820 reads : ^^ " It is an indictable offence, under the Act of 

1 Niles' Weekly Register, 17. 287. 2 im, 14. 256. 

3 3 Martin (o. s.) 285. Meunier vs. Duperron. 

* I Leigh, 588. Davenport vs. The Commonwealth. 

S Digest of the Laws of Missouri Territory, by Geyer, p. 378. 

^ Niles' Weekly Register, 14. 223. 

7 Federal Cases, 27. 1158; 4 Day's Reports, 123; Brun. Col. Cas., 82; U. S. vs. 
Smith. 

8 Federal Cases, 26. 826; 2 Mason, 129; U. S. vs. La Coste. La Coste was par- 
doned in 1822 by President Monroe (Niles' Weekly Register, 22. 114). 

9 Federal Cases, i. 362 (case 165); 3 Mason, 175; The AlexandLr. 

10 Federal Cases, 26. 1145; i Brunner Col. Cas., 426. U. S. vs. Malebran. 



Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 225 

Congress, to fit, equip, load or otherwise prepare a vessel in the 
United States for the purpose of procuring or transporting slaves 
from a foreign place to any other place." Another the same year 
says : * " It is sufficient on an indictment for engaging in the 
slave trade, to prove that the accused were engaged in procuring 
slaves, and sending them on by another vessel; it is not neces- 
sary that the vessel to which they belong should actually have had 
slaves on board." 

In the only case in the South, in South Carolina, February, 
1808, the decision was that the forfeiture under the act of Con- 
gress might be remitted by the United States Circuit Court in 
cases of extreme hardship.^ The vessel in question sailed in 1806. 
Sickness, storms, and hardships of all kinds seemed to follow the 
craft; she set sail for home in ample time to arrive in the autumn 
of 1807, but after a voyage unprecedented in length she arrived in 
January, 1808, and was confiscated by the United States officers. 

The Federal slave trade act was backed up in most of the states 
by laws prohibiting transportation entirely, or imposing strict con- 
ditions upon it. The cases that arose were in the lower courts with 
few appeals, and judgment usually went against the slaveholder. 
In 1810 a claim for freedom was allowed in consequence of impor- 
tation into Rhode Island from Cuba; ^ in 181 2 was a similar case 
in regard to importation from Jamaica.^ Two cases (1809,^ 1816 ") 
have been found in New York under the law of 1788 regulating 
importation and sale, also one in New Jersey in 1820,' in all of 
which the negro recovered his freedom. 

Similar cases under similar laws occurred in Maryland : Fulton 
vs. Lewis, 1815;^ and Henderson vs. Negro Tom, 1817.^ In the 
former of these a man fleeing from San Domingo at the time of 
the revolution there brought with him two slaves, one of whom 
he sold before returning home, after the pacification of the island. 
The negro was held entitled to freedom. Two cases in 181 4 are 

1 Federal Cases, 24. 815; i Brunner Col. Cas., 422. U. S. vs. Andrews. • 

2 Federal Cases, 26. 791; Bee., 252. U. S. vs. The Kitty. 

3 Constitution of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, published as a pamphlet in 
1820, p. 23. 

■* Ibid. p. 24; Commonwealth vs. Austin Montgomery. 

5 Anthon's Nisi Prius Reports, 128. Dubois vs. Allen. 

* Niles' Weekly Register, iS. 344. 

7 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 381. Helm vs. Miller. 

8 Ibid. p. 382; 3 Har. & John., 564. 

8 Wheeler : " Law of Slavery," p. 381 ; 4 Har. & John., p. 282. 

15 



226 Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 

similar in import. A slave was taken from Maryland to the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, and while there a child was born. When taken 
back to Maryland the child was declared free.^ Another slave 
and her child taken to the District of Columbia and back to 
Maryland in the same way were both held entitled to freedom.^ 

A case occurred in Maryland in 1813, where a slave petitioned 
for freedom in a court in Baltimore County on the ground of a 
violation of the Virginia import law, which gave freedom to the 
imported slave after a residence of one year, unless a certain oath 
had been taken within sixty days after the importation. He was 
adjudged free both by the court of oyer and terminer, and in the 
court of appeals. It is especially noteworthy that the year of resi- 
dence was in this case made up of short, non-consecutive periods.^ 
In 182 1, in the District of Columbia, in a similar case, where there 
had been some years' residence in Virginia, the counsel for the 
claimant wished the court to instruct the jury that the presump- 
tion was that the importer took the oath, but the plea was not al- 
lowed.* In 1820 it had been even held that the failure of the slave 
to appeal for freedom during a period of nine years after he had 
arrived at the age of twenty-one did not of itself create a pre- 
sumption that the oath had been taken. ^ Under the Maryland 
law prohibiting the importation of slaves from other states, a slave 
taken from Virginia and kept in Maryland for a period of years, 
on his return to Virginia in 1829, was adjudged free by the Vir- 
ginia courts, after two appeals.^ 

The law of the District of Columbia forbade importation for 
sale, although residents might bring their slaves with them, and 
it led to many cases in the United States Circuit Court of the Dis- 
trict. Two cases, in 1826 '' and 1830,^ declared that a sale within 
three years rendered such importation illegal. Another, in 1823,^ 
declared such importation illegal, even though the intention was to 

1 3 Har. & John., 491. Sprigg vs. Negro Mary. 

2 Ibid. p. 493. Sprigg vs. Negro Presley. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 28; Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," 
P- 338; 5- Har. & John., 107. Stewart vs. Oakes. 

* Federal Cases, 10. 46; 2 Cranch, C. C, 236. Garretson vs. Lingan. (A citation 
from 5 Munf., 542.) 

^ Federal Cases, 20. 455; 2 Cranch, C. C, 220. Reeler vs. Robinson. 
" Wheeler: " Law of Slavery," p. 339; 1 Leigh, 172. Hunter vs. Fulcher. 
^ Federal Cases, 29. 12S6; 3 Cranch, C. C, 55. Williams vs. Van Zandt. 
8 Federal Cases, 11. 611; 4 Cranch, C. C, i. Harrises. Alexander. 
8 Federal Cases, 13. noi ; 2 Cranch, C. C, 373. Jordan vs. Sawyer. 



Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 227 

carry the slave out of the District. The sale within three years was 
legal proof that the slave was brought for sale. Another decision 
in 1828 is worth quoting.^ "If a citizen of Virginia, the owner of 
a slave there, who had resided in \'irginia three whole years, remove 
into the county of Washington with the bona fide intention to settle 
therein, and bring the slave with him, at the time of his removal, 
or within one year thereafter, to reside in the said county, such 
importation is not contrary to law ; but a sale of such slave, in the 
said county, within three years after such importation, may entitle 
him to freedom; although such sale be made to a person residing 
out of the District of Columbia, and in a state wherein slaves are 
lawfully held, and intending to take the said slave out of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia to the place of the purchaser's residence, and 
with that intent removing him from Washington to Alexandria, 
where he ran away and came to Washington and the sale was by 
mutual consent rescinded; and although the sale (commenced in 
Washington) was not consummated till the removal of the slave to 
Alexandria; and although the agreement for the sale was made in 
Alexandria, out of the county of Washington, and was not to be 
complete till the slave should be delivered by the seller to the 
purchaser at Alexandria, where the delivery in fact took place." 
A case somewhat similar had been decided in 182 1, where passage 
through Alexandria was brought forward ineffectually as a plea 
against giving the slave his freedom.^ 

Birth in a free state was in every case considered as conclusive 
proof of freedom.^ A decision in Pennsylvania in 1816 assumed 
the same doctrine, although the mother was a fugitive slave who 
was afterwards reclaimed; * and this decision was also quoted in 
1816, and again in 1817.^ 

Removal to a free state was in these early years regarded as giv- 
ing freedom to the slave so removed, provided the removal was a 

1 Federal Cases, 2. 1037; 3 Cranch, C. C, 296. Battle ■ys. Miller. 

2 Federal Cases, 7. 1185; 2 Cranch, C. C, 261. Dunbar •y5. Ball. 

3 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 346; 6 Rand., 566 (Spotts vs. Gillespie, Va., 1828); 
Wheeler, 356; 8 Mart. (n. s.), 699 (John Merry vs. Chexnaider, La., 1830); i Mo. Sup. 
Court, 725 (John Merry vs. Tiffin & Menard, 1827); African Observer, loth Month, 
1827, p. 204, letter dated Aug. 23, 1827 (perhaps a case of residence). 

* 2 Ser. & Rawle, 305 (Com. vs. Holloway); Stroud: "Sketch of Laws relating to 
Slavery," edition of 1827, p. 135, edition of 1856, p. 215; Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," 
p. 383; Constitution of Penn. .'\bolition Society, 1820, p. 23; Niles' Weekly Register, 11. 
28; Hurd : " Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 412-414. 

^ Niles' Weekly Register : 11. 46; Needles: "History of the Penn. Abolition Society," 
p. 64. 



2 28 Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 

change of residence, permanent or temporary, and not a mere 
transit from one state to another. In 1818 residence in Penn- 
sylvania was held to prevent the removal of a servant out of the 
state on an indenture, though the indenture had been made in 
another state, before the residence in Pennsylvania, and though 
the indenture contained a covenant to serve the master in Penn- 
sylvania or anywhere. The covenant was held to have been made 
void by the residence in a free state. ^ A slave taken from the Dis- 
trict of Columbia to reside in Pennsylvania was set free in 1822,^ 
and a similar case came before one of the United States Circuit 
Courts of Pennsylvania in 1823.^ 

It is significant that most of these decisions were made by 
Southern state courts, or by the Federal courts in the Southern 
states, for the sentiment before 183 1 is directly at variance with 
the Dred Scott decision in 1857, though the conditions were iden- 
tical. Among many such cases in Louisiana * was a typical case 
in 1824, in which the slave had been removed from Kentucky to 
Ohio, where she claimed her freedom, then forcibly brought back 
to Kentucky, and again to Ohio, before her final removal to Louisi- 
ana. The Supreme Court held that "the relation of owner and 
slave, is, in the states of this Union, in which it has a legal exist- 
ence, a creature of the municipal law." Removal into a free 
state by the owner subjected his whole family, white and black, 
and all his property, to the operation of the constitution and laws 
of that state, and according to them slavery could not exist in his 
house. The right to freedom thus acquired could never be 
forfeited by removal to a slave state." Other like decisions in 
Southern courts were in Kentucky in 1820,^ 1821,' and 1825;^ 
in Virginia in 1820;'' in Mississippi in 1818;^^ and in Missouri 



* 4 Ser. & Rawle, 218, Com. vs. Hambright. 

2 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 383. Com. ex rel. Hall & Cook. Also Com. vs. 
Robinson. 

3 Federal Cases, 22. 151; 4 Wash. C. C, 396. Ex parte Simmons. 

* Dunn: "Indiana," p. 234. This is said to have been the law in Louisiana until 
1846. 

5 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," pp. 335-338; Birney: "James G. Birney and His 
Times," p. 263; 2 Mart. (n. s.), 401. Lunsford vs. Coquillon. 

6 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 339; Birney: "James G. Birney," p. 263; Hurd: 
"Law of Freedom and Bondage," 2. 124; 2 A. K. Marshall, 467-479. Rankin vs. Lydia. 

7 Dunn: "Indiana," p. 234. 

8 Ihid. : 3 Monroe, 100. Bush's Rep. vs. White & Wife. 

9 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 354. Griffith vs. Fanny. 

^ Ibid. 340; Dunn: "Indiana," p. 233. Harvy & others vs. Decker & Hopkins. 



Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 229 

in 1824/ 1827,2 1828/ and 1830." The Mississippi case is in- 
teresting because the point at issue was whether negroes taken 
from Virginia to Indiana in 1784, residing there till 1816, and 
then removed to a slave state, were freed by the Ordinance of 
1787, In the course of the argument the judge said: "Slavery 
is condemned by reason and the laws of nature. It exists, and 
can only exist, through municipal regulations, and in matter of 
doubt, is it not an unquestioned rule, that courts must lean in 
favorem vitae et libertatis? " ^ Again : "According to the construc- 
tion of the defendant's counsel, those who were slaves at the 
passage of the Ordinance must continue in the same situation. 
Can this construction be correct ? Would it not defeat the great 
object of the general government ? It is obvious that it would, and 
it is inadmissible upon every principle of legal construction." 
Unfortunately the courts of the Northv/est Territory and the 
subsequent states did not always so construe the Ordinance. 

An often quoted case is Rankin vs. Lydia, in Kentucky. Judge 
Mills, who delivered the opinion of the court, utterly disclaims 
any degree of influence by "the general principles of liberty which 
we all admire," but deals simply with "the law as it is, and not as 
it ought to be." He asks to whom Lydia belonged during the 
seven years' residence in Indiana. Not to the resident of Kentucky 
to whom she had belonged originally, for he had sold her; not to the 
citizen of Indiana who had paid the money for her, because it was 
impossible under the Ordinance of 1787. Therefore she must have 
been her own property. Hence no future sale by another could 
give a right to her services. At all events, the purchaser in Indiana 
at the end of the seven years could not have had the right to her 
services while in Indiana. "And is it to be seriously contended 
that so soon as he transported her to the Kentucky shore, the nox- 
ious atmosphere of this state, without any express law for the pur- 
pose, clamped upon her newly forged chains of slavery, after the 
old ones were destroyed ! For the honor of our country, we can- 
not for a moment admit that the bare treading of its soil, is thus 
dangerous, even to the degraded African." ^ 

1 Moses: History of Illinois, i. 325; i Mo. Sup. Court, 472. Winny w. Whitesides. 

2 African Observer, October, 1827, p. 204; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 
7- "S- 

3 2 Mo. Sup. Court, 20 (La Grange vs. Chouteau), 36 (Milly vs. Stephen Smith). 
* 2 Mo. Sup. Court, 214. Vincent vs. James Duncan. 

5 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 340; Dunn: "Indiana," p. 233. 
^ 2 A. K. Marshall, 470-479. 



230 Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 

The case in Missouri in 1830 is especially interesting, partly 
because it came so near to the close of the period, and partly be- 
cause of its breadth. It asserted that if the owner of slaves took 
them to Illinois to reside, they were free; if he stayed in Kentucky 
and sent the slaves to Illinois, they were free; and that a slave 
residing at the Ohio Sahne as a laborer in 181 7 was entitled to 
freedom.^ 

In North and South alike the onus prohandi was on the pure 
negro in any claim for freedom.^ For "persons of color" the rule 
was often different. In Ohio a decision in 182 1 settled the prin- 
ciple that quadroons and others between whites and mulattoes had 
all the rights, privileges, and duties of whites.^ In an appeal case 
in Virginia in 181 1 it was held that if by ordinary inspection by 
a jury the plaintiff appeared to be white, the onus prohandi was on 
the person claiming him as a slave.* That no presumption of 
slavery arose from the color of a mulatto was settled in North 
Carolina in 1828.^ In Louisiana, in 1810, a person of color was 
presumed free,^ and in 181 2 "a woman being of color, the pre- 
sumption is that she was born free." ' The same presumption 
was held in 1816 to entitle the petitioner to freedom under the 
old Spanish law, — the parol evidence by five witnesses;^ and in 
1829 the decision was again reaffirmed, that presumption of slav- 
ery was confined to blacks.^ Color arising from descent from 
Indians was in no case assumed as proof of slavery, but the 
reverse.^" 

Even in those cases where the onus prohandi was by law on the 
petitioner for freedom, other conditions were often allowed by the 
courts to reverse the pres mption arising from color. Judge Spen- 
cer of New York said in 181 7, in a case of emancipation by two out 

1 2 Mo. Sup. Court, 214. This seems to cover every possible construction of the 
Dred Scott case. 

2 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 392, etc. Remick vs. Chloe; and in many other 
authorities. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 70. 

* Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 22. Hook vs. Nanny Pagee. 

6 Ibid. p. 406; I Dev., 376 (Scott vs. Williams); Stroud: "Sketch of the Laws 
relating to Slavery," edition of 1827, pp. 80, 81, edition of 1856, pp. 127-129 (Gobu vs. 
Gobu; date not given). 

8 I Martin (o. s.), 183. Adelle vs. Beauregard. 

7 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 7; 2 Martin (o. s.), 208; State vs. Cecil. 

8 4 Martin (o. s.), 348. Beard vs. Poydras. 

9 7 Martin (n. s.), 648. Pilie vs. Lalande et al. 

10 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 18. (Butt vs. Rachel et al; Ulzire vs. Poey Fane); 
I Mart. & Yerger, 4 (Vaughan vs. Phebe). 



Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 231 

of three joint owners, that "all presumptions in favor of personal 
liberty ought to be made" ; a person must be either slave or free; * 
and this feeling seems quite common in all parts of the country. 
In the same case (Oatfield vs. Waring) a second point was that 
bringing an action against a slave is a concession that he is free and 
cannot be claimed as a slave.' In New York parol declarations 
made twenty years before by the owner of a slave that he purchased 
her to set her free, and that he meant her to be freed, were held in 

181 2 to be evidence of manumission.^ A reputation for freedom, 
and proof of actual enjoyment of freedom for more than twenty 
years, was considered in New Jersey, in 1826, to overcome the pre- 
sumption of slavery from color.* A similar case had occurred in 

18 13 in the same state, where a black witness reputed free from 
childhood was sworn without other proof of freedom.^ 

In Louisiana, in 18 16, there was a noteworthy decision, which 
gives the advantage to an alleged slave, contrary to the usual rule 
that the onus probandi was on the negro. As proof of slavery was 
offered a bill of sale, executed in 1803 in Detroit, Michigan, and 
several witnesses testified that he had been before that time com- 
monly reported to be a slave. The lower (parish) court declared 
the man a slave. On appeal, Martin, the appellate judge, decided 
that a negro will be presumed free though purchased as a slave, if 
the purchase was made in a country in which slavery is not tolerated, 
unless it be shown that he was before in one in which it is." In 
the same year, 1816, it was held in South Carolina that where a 
person who moved to that state from Maryland, bringing a slave 
girl with him, whom he held in servitude all his life, had been 
heard to acknowledge that the girl's mother was free, it was evi- 
dence sufficient to offset the presumption by color, to establish 
her freedom, and entitle her to damages.' 

Possession of freedom for twenty years was in Louisiana con- 
sidered as conclusive right to freedom under the old Spanish law ; ^ 

1 Wheeler: " Law of Slavery," p. 310. Oatfield vs. Waring. . 

2 Ibid. p. 385. 

3 Ibid. p. 404; 9 Johnson, 144. Wells vs. Lane. 

■* Wheeler: " Law of Slavery," p. 392 ; 3 Halstead, 275. Fox vs. Lambson. 

s 2 Pennington, 1030. Potts vs. Harper. 

6 Wheeler: " Law of Slavei-y," p. 349; 4 Martin (o. s.), 385. Forsyth et alvs. Nash. 

'^ I Mill, 137. Pepoon, guardian of Phebe vs. Clarke. 

8 The Spanish law allowed freedom to a slave who had lived as free for 15 years in 
the presence of her master, or for 20 years in his absence, without interruption. In the 
case on trial these conditions had not been fulfilled. Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," 
p. 103; 6 Mart. (o. s.), 16. Metayer vs. Metayer. 



232 Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 

and it was declared that a slave who enjoyed that right in His- 
paniola after the passage of the emancipation law by the French, 
might reckon that time in establishing her right to freedom under 
that law. Actual enjoyment of freedom was considered in 1829 
as prima facie evidence of freedom/ Deeds of manumission, 
properly executed, were in 1821 ^ and 1826 ^ held as sufficient evi- 
dence of freedom, although no proof could be shown that they had 
been made by the owner of the slave. Cases in some respects 
similar to that of Oatfield vs. Waring in New York are found in 
Maryland in 1817 * and 1821,^ where it was decided that the devise 
of property, real or personal, to a slave, by the owner, entitled the 
slave to "freedom by implication," since by law no slave could in- 
herit or hold property. According to some authorities all pre- 
sumptions in Missouri prior to 1830 were in favor of freedom, save 
where the law was too plain to admit of possible doubt,^ and the 
cases seem to bear out that statement. 

Many Southern states forbade emancipation, save under speci- 
fied conditions, and nearly all insisted upon more or less tedious 
formahties.'^ In three cases in 1829, in as many states, these for- 
malities were set aside. In Kentucky it was decided that a slave 
might be emancipated by any instrument of writing; it was not 
even necessary that it be sealed and recorded, though it might be 
if the holder wished it.^ A general law in Maryland that a slave 
could not receive a legacy was set aside in the case of a bequest of 
freedom.'"* And in Virginia, a decision declared that when a testator 
directed that his slaves should be emancipated by his executor, 
the will should be held to have emancipated them.^" It was deter- 
mined in the District of Columbia as early as 1813 that an informal 
deed of manumission, accompanied by actual enjoyment of free- 
dom, before the commission of a certain offence, followed by a 
formal deed of manumission after the offence, was sufficient evi- 

' 7 Mart. (n. s.), 649. Pilie vs. Lalande et al. 

2 10 Mart. (o. s.), 425. Brown vs. Compton. 

3 4 Mart. (n. s.), 203. Simmins vs. Parker. 

^ 4 H. &. J., 262. Burroughs' Adm. vs. Negro Anna. 

5 5 H. & J., 190. Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 385. Hall vs. Mullin. 

^ Dunn: "Indiana," p. 227. 

7 Constitution of Alabama, 1819, Art. "Slaves," § i. (Code of Ala. (1896), vol. ii, 
56, 57); Hutchinson's (Miss.) Code, 34, 523; Acts of 1820 (S. C), 22; 2 Bailey (S. C), 
Rep., 139 (2 Faust. 356-357) ; and in general in all Southern states. 

8 2 J. J. Marshall, 230. Fanny vs. Dejarnet's Adm. 

9 2 Bland, Chan., 314. Hammond vs. Hammond. 
^0 I Leigh, 465. Dunn vs. Amey and others. 



Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 233 

dence that the person was not a slave at the time of committing the 
offence; ^ and in 1830, that the manifest intention of a will to eman- 
cipate should be held sufficient, even though there was a failure to 
use the proper words. ^ 

In both the North and the South, when emancipation was once 
consummated the former slave was under the protection of the 
state and could not be reenslaved except as punishment for crime. 
A resident of Virginia directed by will that a negro slave should be 
free after the expiration of his apprenticeship, and the executors 
agreed and let him go free. Later he was sold, but when the matter 
was brought into court in 1823 the sale was held void.^ In 1824 it 
was decided in the District of Columbia that a slave who had been 
manumitted and had lost her deed of manumission was entitled 
to relief in equity.* 

The principle was settled in Kentucky in 1830 that no slave once 
manumitted should be sold for debt, if the original creditor had 
been willing to lose the money. The case was Ferguson vs. Sarah. 
Sarah had been bought in 1809 by an abolitionist, Enoch Smith, 
for the purpose of emancipation. In accordance with this plan he 
sold her to her husband, Ben, a free man of color, taking his notes 
for the amount. Smith later became embarrassed, and desiring 
that Sarah should be freed while it was in his power, he allowed 
Ben to make out the deed of manumission, though he had not paid 
in full. Sarah lived as a free woman from 1809. In 1818 Ben died 
intestate and without having completed the payments, and Smith 
died in 1825. Ferguson, the administrator of Smith, was about to sell 
Sarah to pay Ben's debt to Smith, when an injunction was awarded 
and the matter brought into court. The Supreme Court of the 
state decided that since the only objection to her freedom was the 
right of the creditor, and since the original creditor, Smith, had 
undoubtedly wished for her emancipation, even though the debt 
was not paid, no valid objection existed to her freedom.^ 

Nearly always ratification of a formal agreement to manumit was 
insisted upon, if the matter was brought into court. In at least two 
instances the question of such ratification came before a Northern 

1 Federal Cases, 24. 1279; 2 Cranch, C. C, 95. U. S. vs. Bruce. 

2 Federal Cases, 20. 105; 4 Cranch, C. C, 17. Quando vs. Clagett. 

3 Harper (S. C), 2nd edition, 20. Rice ads. Spear & Galbraith. 
* Federal Cases, i. 408; 2 Cranch, C. C, 485. Alice vs. Morte. 
5 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 280; 4 J. J. Marshall, 104 S. 



234 Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 

court. A negro slave in New York claimed and recovered freedom 
in 1 8 ID, on the ground of a deed given several years before by a 
former owner, manumitting him after the said owner's death, "in 
spite of all bills of sale or last will by him thereafter to be made." 
Such a certificate entitled the slave to freedom, although he had 
been sold during the hfetime of the original owner, after receiving 
the above certificate.' In the second case, in 1811, the decision 
reads that when the owner gives the slave a written promise to 
manumit in eight years on account of faithful service, such manu- 
mission was obligatory upon the master.^ 

In the South questions involving enforced emancipation were 
more likely to come into the higher courts on appeal. In 1808 in 
Maryland, a slave sold by parol for a term of seven years, with an 
agreement between the vendor and the vendee that at the end of 
that time he was to be manumitted by the vendee, was held to be 
entitled to freedom.^ A similar case occurred in 1821.* A decision 
in 1829 was that a devise bequeathing freedom on condition of 
annual payments as long as he lived, entitled the slave to freedom 
on the date mentioned, his freedom not being dependent on the 
fulfilment of the condition.^ A negro taken from Maryland to 
Kentucky to serve a set limited time was not emancipated at the 
time set. A suit brought in 1805 resulted in a decree of emancipa- 
tion, with damages at $691.25, and an appeal in 1809 reaffirmed 
this decision." 

A suit for freedom was in many states the only process in which 
a slave could appear as a plaintiff; cases of assault and battery, or 
of cruelty, being brought in the name of the owner, or of the state, or 
of the United States. In these suits the slave was allowed the benefit 
of all doubts, save the onus proband i; had the benefit of free coun- 
sel; and enjoyed protection against removal until the judgment 
had been pronounced.^ In 1808 in the United States Circuit Court 
of the District of Columbia, a petition for freedom was granted to 
the petitioner simply because the exact provisions of law had not 

1 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 309; 5 Johnson, 365. Case of Negro Tom. 

2 Wheeler, "Law of Slavery," p. 232; 7 Johnson, 324. Kettletas vs. Fleet. 

3 2 Har. & John., 323. Negro Cato vs. Howard. 

4 5 Har. & John., 310. Hughes vs. Negro Milly et al. 

6 1 Gill & J., 390. Miller, Ex'r of Beard, vs. Negro Charles. 
8 I Bibb, 423. Thompson vs. Wilmot. 

7 Hutchinson's (Miss.) Code, 523; Laws of the State of Missouri, published by the 
State in 1825, p. 404. Act passed in 1824. 



Court Decisions: Questions of Freedom 235 

been complied with by the master.* In 1829 the decision was 
rendered in the same court that a petition for freedom was not a 
local action ; the right was personal, and accompanied the person 
wherever he went.^ 

In still another case the affidavit of a manumitted slave was 
sufficient to secure a summons on the ground that the petitioner 
for freedom, the wife of the freedman, was to be removed out of 
the District by her owner, before judgment.^ In 1824 the obligation 
to allow the slave to remain until after judgment, in the case of a 
suit for freedom, was very definitely put by the United States Circuit 
Court of the District of Columbia.* " Upon a petition for freedom, 
suggesting an apprehension that the defendant will sell and remove 
the petitioners from the jurisdiction of the court, supported by 
affidavit, a judge of this court, in vacation, will order an injunction 
without security ; and upon further affidavit that the defendant had 
attempted to carry the petitioners away after notice of the filing 
of their petition, the judge will order the marshal to take them into 
his custody for safe-keeping until the defendant shall give the 
security required by law for their forthcoming to prosecute their 
petition; and if the defendant shall refuse to give such security, 
and if judgment shall be rendered against him, the marshal's fees 
for keeping them shall be taxed in the bill of costs against the 
defendant. A similar decision in the same year (1808) in Virginia 
had the added provision that the expenses of keeping the plain- 
tiffs were to be laid on the defendant even though the suit should 
be decided in his favor,^ In 1827 it was held in the District of 
Columbia that an attachment for contempt would lie against a 
master so attempting to remove his slave, after notice of the peti- 
tion for freedom, even though judgment was finally against 
the petitioners.® 

The laws in regard to fugitive slaves were usually executed, 
although the judges in Northern courts sometimes showed reluc- 
tance. In the first fugitive slave case in Ohio a Virginia slave, Jane, 
accused of the theft of four dollars, was condemned to death by 
a Virginia court. This sentence was commuted to sale and trans- 

1 Federal Cases, 7. iii; i Cranch, C. C, 482. Davis vs. Baltzer. 

^ Federal Cases, 4. 898; 3 Cranch, C. C, 611. Butler et al vs. Duvall. 

3 Federal Cases, 17. 1147; i Cranch, C. C, 523. Nan et al vs. Moxley et al. 

4 Federal Cases, 20. 384; 2 Cranch, C. C, 514. Rebecca et al vs. Pumphrey. 

5 2 Hen. & Munf., 19. Sarah vs. Henry. 

6 Federal Cases, 20. 682; 3 Cranch, C. C., 214. Richard vs. Van Meter. 



236 Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 

portation; but the jail door was left open, and the slave walked 
out and disappeared. Many knew of her escape and later of her 
place of residence in Ohio, but for some years she was not molested. 
She married a free colored man, and had one child. In 1810 one 
Beeson, without any evidence of authority, attempted to carry off 
both mother and child. The attempt was resisted, and Jane 
secreted, whereupon Beeson obtained a letter from the Governor 
of Virginia to the Governor of Ohio.^ Citizens of Ohio petitioned 
in her favor, and the Governor refused to give her up. Later, on 
a formal requisition - by the Governor of Virginia, Jane was given 
up as a fugitive from justice, the Governor of Ohio feeling that he 
had no discretion in the matter. She was ordered sold by Beeson, 
and the price paid into the Virginia State Treasury.^ 

In 1829 a mulatto woman was arrested in New York as a run- 
away. She claimed to be free, but on the testimony of her captor 
she was adjudged a slave, and committed to jail till she could be 
taken to Alabama. On a writ of habeas corpus she was brought 
before Judge Edwards, but remanded to prison, on which her 
alleged owner confined her on board of a vessel. Here members 
of the New York Manumission Society interfered, procured the 
ancient writ de homine replegiando, under which the sheriff of New 
York took her from the custody of her "owner" to Albany. On 
this trial six witnesses from New York bore witness to her freedom, 
but technicalities prevented her discharge. Four colored men then 
gave security that she would prove her freedom, and she was .set 
at liberty. No further account of her is obtainable."* 

The Act of Congress respecting fugitives owing service of labor 
was held in 1823 in Pennsylvania not to apply to slaves brought 
by their masters from one state to another, who afterwards escaped 
or who refused to return.^ 

There was of course little trouble in the South in regard to fugi- 
tive slaves. But in Louisiana, in 1816, it was declared that a 
runaway could not be sold by the jailer unless unreclaimed for 
two years after the first of three advertisements required by law." 
There is, however, no evidence that this was for any other purpose 

1 Not a legal requisition in proper form. 

2 Not as a fugitive slave but as a fugitive criminal. 

3 W. H. Smith: "The First Fugitive Slave Case in Ohio," pp. 94-99. 

* Niles' Weekly Register, 37. 30S; quotation from the Albany Daily Advertiser. 
5 Federal Cases, 22. 151; 4 Wash. C. C, 396. Ex parte Simmons. 
8 4 Mart. (o. s.), 391. Labranche vs. Watkins. 



Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 237 

than the protection of the rights of the owner. In 1820 a person 
arresting a runaway was held, in Louisiana, not responsible for 
his escape before being brought before a justice, unless guilty of 
negligence/ According to a law passed in Mississippi in 1822, no 
runaway could be dehvered to a claimant without proof on oath.^ 
It is interesting to note that as late as November, 1830, the United 
States Circuit Court of the District of Columbia refused to give 
up to Maryland two slaves escaping from that state, holding that 
their claim to freedom had arisen in the District, and their witnesses 
lived there. They had been brought by their masters into the 
District, and had hved there one year, and escaped thither on their 
subsequent removal to Maryland.^ 

The question of the status of the children of slaves involved 
much litigation. The rule partus ventrem sequitur must of course 
hold good in all definite cases. The child of a slave mother in a 
slave state was certainly a slave, and the child of a free mother, 
whether in free or slave states, was as certainly free. But the cases 
where the mother was a slave for time, or under particular condi- 
tions, and the ruling of birth or residence in the various states, 
slave as well as free, often brought up grave doubts as to the status 
of the child. A number of cases dependent on birth or residence 
have already been mentioned.* In Kentucky in 1809, the conditions 
were definitely stated. When a slave registered in Pennsylvania, 
and therefore a slave for life, was removed without her consent to 
Kentucky, she remained a slave, and her children born in Kentucky 
w^ere slaves. If they had been born in Pennsylvania they would 
have been free, and removal to Kentucky would not then have 
defeated their right to freedom.^ 

In 1826 it was decided in two cases in Pennsylvania that the 
child of a "servant for time" was not a slave of the same class as 
the mother. The first of these cases simply gave the negative side, 
that the child of a servant till twenty-eight years could not be held 
to servitude under the same conditions as its mother, who was the 
child of a registered slave. ^ The second states decisively that the 
child of a servant for time is free.' 

1 7 Mart. (o. s,), 371. Palfrey vs. Rivas. 2 Hutchinson's (Miss.) Code, 518. 

3 Federal Cases, 22. 163; 4 Cranch, C. C, 79. Simon et al vs. Paine. 
* See above, p. 227. 

5 I Bibb, 615. Frank ads. Milam's Ex'r; Tom ads. Smith; Mary ads. Shannon; 
Betsey ads. Shannon. 

6 14 Sergeant & Rawle, 442; The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 6. 35. Miller 
vs. Dwilling. 7 j^ Ser. & Rawle, 18. Scott vs. Waugh. 



238 Court Decisions : Questions of Freedom 

Even in the slave states there was a considerable tendency to 
give freedom, if possible, to children of slaves for time, even though 
they were born during their mothers' period of servitude. In the 
United States Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, in 1818, 
a decision was given that children born between the date of a 
promise to manumit at a given future date, and that date, were 
entitled to freedom at the same time as their mother.^ Of similar 
import were the decisions in the cases in Kentucky of Hart vs. 
Fanny Ann in 1827,^ and of Fanny vs. Bryant in 1830,^ and in 
Virginia of Isaac vs. West's Ex., in 1828.* In Maryland, in 1823, 
a slave was bequeathed to another during the latter's life, to be 
free thereafter. It was held that her "increase" during the period 
was included.^ In Virginia, in 1827, in a suit for freedom, Judge 
Carr decided that when a female slave is emancipated with a reser- 
vation that the future increase shall be slaves, the reservation is 
void. " A /ree mother cannot have children who are 5/ai/g5. Such 
a birth would be monstrous, both in the eye of reason and of law." * 
In Louisiana, in 1824, to the descent from an emancipated slave 
was plead the fact that the petitioner had been held as a slave long 
enough to prove possession. The judge decided, however, that 
she was free.^ 

In Connecticut, in 181 7, it was decided that the daughter of a 
slave woman born after March i, 1784, was not a slave but a servant 
till twenty-five years.^ Practically identical with all the cases 
mentioned is one in New York in 181 5, where a certain Conklin 
bequeathed freedom to a slave, Maria, and also the use, during her 
life, of her daughter, Cloe. Cloe had children during the lifetime 
of Maria, and the dispute arose in after years as to the ownership 
of one of these children, who was claimed by the legal representa- 
tives of Conklin. Judge Yates decided that in all probability the 
negro was free ; if not, he belonged to the legal representatives of 
Maria, and not to those of Conklin.^ 

1 Federal Cases, 21. 431; 2 Cranch, C. C, 155. Sarah vs. Taylor. 

2 6 Monroe, 49. 

3 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. ^t,; 4 J. J. Marshall, 368. 
* 6 Rand. 652. 

5 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 32. Hamilton vs. Cragg. 

8 Ibid. p. 31 ; 4 Rand., 597. Fulton vs. Shaw. This was, however, expressly decreed 
by a law in Maryland in 1809; see above, p. 52. 

■^ Wheeler: " Law of Slavery," p. loi. Delphine z/^. Deveze. 

■* 2 Conn. Rep., 355. Windsor vs. Hartford. 

8 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 26. Conklin vs. Havens. 



CHAPTER XXI 
COURT DECISIONS: THE SLAVE BEFORE THE LAW 

When we finally turn from the consideration of questions of 
possible freedom to the actual status of the slave before the law, 
we find great divergence in the pohcy and practice of the North 
and of the South. There were practically no slave codes in the 
North, even in those states where slavery existed at least de facto 
during the entire period under consideration. ' The court decisions 
here, therefore, rest almost entirely upon common law, and the slave 
had in consequence very largely the rights and privileges of freemen 
in the courts. An opinion in 1822 by Judge Piatt of New York 
was that marriage was legal where one of the parties was a slave, 
and if the mother was free the children were also free. " The hus- 
band is not emancipated, nor is the wife enslaved by such a mar- 
riage. I am inclined to listen to the suggestions of policy and 
humanity" dictating the above rule.^ In 1827, however, it was 
held that a slave could not marry under the common law, that the 
right depended upon a special law passed in 1809, Hence the 
children of a slave could not inherit at common law, nor take 
possession of land. But by a special law a slave could take posses- 
sion of land granted for military service during the Revolutionary 
War; hence it legalized all marriages and births involved, and the 
children of such a slave could inherit.^ 

Only one case of the trial of a slave for a crime has been found 
at the North.* A negro, fugitive from Baltimore, was followed 
into Pennsylvania, where he killed his owner and another man in 
self-defence, and then gave himself up. He was tried first for the 
murder of his owner, and acquitted, on the ground that the owner 

1 Laws did exist in many states which assumed the inferiority of the negro, but not in 
sufficient number to form a separate code. 

2 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 199. Overseers of Marbletown vs. Overseers of 
Kingston. 

3 5 Cowen, 397. Jackson vs. Lervey. 

* Niles' Weekly Register, 19. 336; 21. 214; 23. Supplement, p. 151. The last quo- 
tation is from the Village Record of West Chester, Pa. 

239 



240 Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 

had no legal right to arrest the negro in Pennsylvania, and the 
killing was in self-defence. Later he was tried for the murder of 
the other man, and, because of different constructions of the law 
bearing on the case, found guilty of manslaughter, and sentenced 
to the penitentiary for nine years. 

In the South, on the contrary, the common law was rarely held 
to apply to even the free negro, much less to the slave. He was 
not as a rule entitled to trials in the courts nor in the manner pro- 
vided for free whites, but before justices of the peace in ordinary 
cases and in the petty courts in capital cases. For that reason few 
negro criminal cases are reported. Usages differed somewhat in 
the different states. Largely through the exertions of James G. 
Birney,^ in 181 9, the constitution of Alabama secured to all slaves 
impartial trial by petit jury in all prosecutions above petit larceny.^ 
By the constitution of 181 7 the same was true as regards capital 
cases in Mississippi.^ In North Carohna a jury of slaveholders was 
empannelled in certain cases.* The indictment must be perfectly 
correct, and in cases where the punishment extended to "life, limb, 
or member," the slave convicted in the county court was entitled 
to appeal to the Superior Court. ^ In the constitution of Missouri 
it is decreed that "in prosecutions for crimes, slaves shall not be 
deprived of an impartial trial by jury, and a slave convicted of a 
capital offence shall suffer the same degree of punishment and no 
other, that would be inflicted on a free white person for a like 
offence," and the courts must assign them a counsel.^ In Ala- 
bama, in 1827, it was stated that a slave might be punished by whip- 
ping and branding for manslaughter, if the victim was another 
slave.^ It is interesting in this connection to note that in a case 
in the District of Columbia, in 1822, the jurors were first chal- 
lenged and set aside unless they opposed giving the slave his free- 
dom, or were indifferent on the subject, but before the jury was 
fully empannelled the court determined that this was unnecessary.^ 

It was very rarely, and only under certain conditions, that a slave 

1 See above, p. 20. 

2 Constitution, Art. Slaves, § 2. (Code of Ala., 1896, vol. ii., pp. 56, 57.) 

3 Hutchinson's (Miss.) Code, 34; Constitution, Art. Slaves, § 2. 
* I Dev., 142. The State vs. Jim. 

5 2 Murphy, 100. The State vs. Washington. 

8 Constitution, Art. Ill, Sec. 27, Rev. Code of 1825. (Laws of the State of Mo., 
Pub. by State, Feb. 1825.) 
^ Stewart, i. 38. 
8 Federal Cases, 16. 1106; 2 Cranch, C. C, 343. Matilda vs. Mason et al. 



Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 241 

could be a witness in a court of law. That they could not witness 
against free blacks seems to have been the general rule in the 
entire South.' It is therefore interesting to find several direct 
contradictions of that rule. In 1808 a law was passed in Mary- 
land that "in all criminal prosecutions against any negro or mu- 
latto slave, or against any mulatto descended from a white woman, 
or against any negro or mulatto free or freed, the testimony of any 
negro or mulatto slave, or the testimony of any mulatto descend- 
ant from a white woman, or the testimony of any negro or mulatto 
free or freed, may be received in evidence for or against them, any 
law now existing to the contrary notwithstanding." ^ In Virginia 
in 181 1 a court decision reads: ^ "If the act could be construed to 
extend to mayhems committed on slaves, they might be introduced 
as witnesses against free white persons." This decision is cited 
in 1827 as the chief argument in declaring it a felony maliciously to 
shoot a slave, the point being that a stranger should not be allowed 
to exercise lawless authority even over a slave.* It is especially 
noteworthy that in both cases the assumption is that the common 
law so provides and is sufificient. In Mississippi, in an act passed 
in 1822, it was provided that any negro or mulatto, bond or free, 
should be a good witness in pleas of the state for or against negroes 
or mulattoes, bond or free, or in civil pleas where free negroes or 
mulattoes should alone be parties, and in no other cases whatever.^ 
With regard to the ill-treatment of slaves, there was often a 
clear distinction made between such treatment by a master, and by 
a stranger. In the case of a stranger it was often taken up simply 
on the basis of injury to the property of another. In 1809 the 
hirer of a slave was held responsible for the health of the slave, 
even to the employment of a physician, but he was responsible to 
the owner." In 1823, in North Carohna, it was decided that bat- 
tery on a slave, apparently by a stranger, no justification being 
shown, was indictable.^ A suit for assault and battery brought in 
the same state against the hirer of a slave was decided against him 

1 Slavery Code of D. C. (pph. 1862), p. 22; Federal Cases, 25. 213; 2 Cranch, C. C, 
75 (U. S. vs. Butler, 1812). Federal Cases, 26. 17; 3 Cranch, C. C, 681 (U. S. vs. 
Gray, 182Q). 

2 Dorsey: "Laws of Maryland," p. 564. 

3 I Va. Cases, 184. Commonwealth vs. Dolly Chappie. 

* 5 Rand. 660. Com. vs. Wm. Carver. 

* Hutchinson's (Miss.) Code, 515. 

8 I Bibb, 536. Redding vs. Hall, etc. 

7 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," 239; 2 Hawks, 582. State vs. Hale. 
16 



242 Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 

in the lower court, though judgment was reversed on appeal. 
Judge Ruffin, the appellate judge, in giving his opinion, lamented 
such cases, saying that there was in his mind a struggle between 
the feelings of a man and the duty of a magistrate. The decision 
was made on the ground that the hirer became the owner in the 
eyes of the law.* 

Just what were the legal rights of a master over his slave was 
a subject of controversy among writers of the time. Stroud stated ^ 
that the master might "at his discretion inflict any species of pun- 
ishment upon the person of his slave." Wheeler denied ^ this 
statement, but he relied for his arguments almost altogether on 
cases where the offender was other than the owner, and himself 
quoted Judge Ruffin of North Carolina, who said that the state 
had no right to interfere between the owner and his slave. The 
available decisions warrant the conclusion that while the master 
had legally full power over his slave, at lea^ up to the point of 
depriving him of life, and the state had no legal right to interfere, 
yet in cases of extreme cruelty it had such a right to interfere as 
would belong to it in cases of cruelty to dumb animals, and but 
little, if any, more.* 

The rareness of conviction for cruelty is due not only to this 
feeling of the complete power of the owner, but also to the inability 
of slaves to testify against their masters, and the fact that a white 
person was rarely present on such occasions. A slaveholder in 
Spottsylvania, Virginia, was in 1822 fined $300 for "cruelly and 
unmercifully whipping his own slave," ^ and in Pensacola, Florida, 
in 1829, a man was prosecuted for cruelty to his female slave, and 
sentenced to pay $100 and costs. ^ In the United States Circuit 
Court of the District of Columbia a decision in 1823 stated that 
"to cruelly, inhumanely, and maliciously cut, slash, beat, and ill- 
treat one's own slave, is an indictable offence at common law." ^ 

1 Wheeler, p. 244. State vs. Mann. 

2 Stroud: "Sketch of the Laws relating to Slavery," ist edition, 1827, p. 35; edition 
of 1856, p. 55. 

3 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 200, note. 

* See 5 Randolph, 680. Com. vs. Rich. Turner, where the statement is made that 
the master could not be indicted for malicious beating of his own slave, except where such 
was committed on a public highway, or some place similarly public; and then only on 
the general ground of disturbance of the peace. Such beating is there distinctly paral- 
leled to horsebeating. 

s The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 2. 29. 

8 Ibid. 10. 43. 

7 Federal Cases, 24. 1241; 2 Cranch, C. C, 441. U. S. vs. Brockett. 



Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 243 

Under the constitution of Mississippi passed in 181 7, the owner 
was compelled to care for his slaves, "to abstain from all injuries 
to them extending to life and limb," under penalty of having the 
slaves sold by the state. ^ The same was true with regard to the 
constitution ^ of Alabama of 1819. These provisions were not self- 
executing, however, and did not prevent cruelty. 

As to the actual killing of an unresisting slave, there was little 
difference of opinion; the act was criminal, though the penalty 
varied in kind and amount, and indictments were in many, per- 
haps in most cases, made under the common law.^ Yet even here 
there was a distinction made, in many cases, between the owner 
and tlie stranger. In Virginia, in 1827, in the trial of a man for 
shooting a slave not his own, the verdict against the defendant 
seems based on the fact that the slave was not his. "Whatever 
powers our laws may give to a master over his slave, it is as im- 
portant for the interest of the former, as for the safety of the latter, 
that a stranger should not be permitted to exercise an unrestrained 
and lawless authority over him." * In the Supreme Court of Ten- 
nessee, in a similar case, the opinion was that "the felonious slaying 
of a slave without mahce is manslaughter." ^ A number of cases 
are quoted to prove it not punishable, but the statement is clearly 
made that the master has no right over the life of his slave. In 
North Carolina, in 1823, in a trial for the murder of a slave, there 
was a difference of opinion between the justices. Judge Hender- 
son, in giving the opinion of the majority, said that the life of 
the slave was in no way placed in the power of the owner. ^ In 
Mississippi, in 1820, a decision was rendered that murder might 
be committed by the killing of a slave as well as of freemen, and 
that the rights of the master were only those conferred by posi- 
tive law.' This is diametrically opposed to an opinion in Ten- 
nessee in 1829, where Judge Whyte declared that by the former 
law of nations the master had unlimited power over the life of his 
slave; that now municipal law had abridged this power, but the 
masters retained all powers not expressly taken away.^ 

1 Hutchinson's (Miss.) Code, p. 34. 

2 Art. Slaves, § 3 (Code of Ala., 1896, vol. ii.). 

3 2 Hawks (N. C), 454. State vs. Reed, 1823. 

< Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 254. Com. x;j. Carver; opinion of Brockenbrough. 

5 Ibid. pp. 255, 259, 262; I Yerger, 156. Fields vs. The State. 

* Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," pp. 210, 211. State vs. Reed. 

^ Walker, 83. State vs. Isaac Jones. 

8 Wheeler: "Law of Slavery," p. 255. Field vs. The State of Tenn. 



244 Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 

In a great majority of instances it is impossible to determine the 
status of the murderer of the slave, whether the master or another, 
and it is very likely that in all such cases there was no distinction 
made. A long argument in the Supreme Court of Mississippi in 
1820, based on the question whether slaves were "chattels" or 
"persons" is concluded by the decision that "murder may be com- 
mitted by the killing of a slave, as well as by the killing of a free- 
man," the decisive argument being, apparently, that since by law 
slaves could commit crimes they must be considered rational 
beings.* 

The penalty for the killing of a slave, whether a dehberate mur- 
der or killing in sudden heat or passion, was in many states, at 
least in the early days, merely imprisonment and a money fine. 
In 1822 a man in South Carolina was fined heavily for killing a 
slave.^ In the same year the "Genius" quotes from other papers 
comments on the fact that in Virginia a mere nominal fine was 
imposed for the same offence.^ In a South Carohna case in 18 17, 
killing a negro in heat and passion made every one convicted of 
participation individually liable for the whole penalty, which was 
a fine.* In North Carolina a law punished the wilful and mali- 
cious killing of a slave with death, even for the first offence,^ and 
one of the few cases of the execution of a white man for the murder 
of a negro occurred in Raleigh, in that state, in 1820. Great efforts 
were made to save the murderer, but the Governor, from a sense 
of duty, was inflexible.^ In South Carolina a similar law was 
passed in 182 1, assigning to deliberate murder the penalty of death 
without benefit of clergy, and to killing in sudden heat and pas- 
sion a fine not exceeding $500 and imprisonment for not more 
than six months.^ The constitution of 181 9 in Alabama assigned 
to any malicious kiUing or dismembering of a slave "such pun- 
ishment as would be inflicted in case a like offence had been com- 
mitted on a free white person, and on the like proof." ^ The same 
provisions are found in the constitution of Missouri of 1825.^ 

1 Wheeler: " Law of Slavery," p. 252. The State of Miss. vs. Jones. 

2 2 McCord, 483. State vs. Wm. H. Taylor. 

3 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, i. 193; 2. 32. It was also commented on 
by a Virginia paper, and later by an Ohio paper. 

* I Nott & McCord, 13. State vs. Smith & Smith, 
s Haywood: "Manual of Laws," 1819, pp. 530, 548. 
8 Niles' Weekly Register, 19. 208. 

7 Statutes at Large, 6. 158 (David J. McCord, 1839). 

8 Constitution, Art. Slaves, § 3. 8 Constitution, Art. Ill, § 28. 



Court Decisions: Tlie Slave Before the Law 245 

Yet with all this body of law the punishment of death was rarely 
inflicted on a white man for the murder of a slave. It was hard to 
get legal proof, since the slave could not testify, and in many cases 
acts were considered to be legal provocation when coming from a 
slave, which would not be so considered if done by a white man. 
In the case of the murder of a slave by a stranger, evidence of the 
general good character of a slave was admissible to repel such pre- 
sumption.' Damages for killing a slave in Alabama, laid by the 
Superior Court, were removed in 1820 on appeal to the Supreme 
Court on a question of law.^ There seems, however, no question 
of slavery involved in this particular case. It was held in South 
Carohna in 18 18 that a man not clothed with authority of law to 
arrest a slave as a felon (in this case a neighbor of the owner), 
could not lawfully kill the slave, ^ but there is at least a question 
whether this was not a mere question of property, since the com- 
pensation in case of such killing was to be paid to the owner. In 
the same year the court decided it not lawful to kill a runaway, 
unless the intending captor was in danger from his resistance.* 

Servile insurrection was always considered a justification of 
homicide, the words "except in case of insurrection" being in- 
serted in nearly every law forbidding the killing of slaves. The only 
insurrection between 1808 and 1830 was the one commonly known 
as the Denmark Vesey Insurrection. ^ This seems, according to con- 
temporary witness,^ to have been an extensive and well conceived 
plot, with great prospect of success. When found out, the greatest 
efforts were made to find all the participants, and many of the 
leaders were executed. A pamphlet report ' by the justices who 
conducted the investigation, and the trials of the suspects, throws 
considerable light upon the matter and upon the conduct of such 
trials in general. They assign as the reason for publishing their 
report that as the public was not admitted to the trials the reports 
circulated were very imperfect and many desires were expressed 

1 I Dev. (N. C), 345. Pierce vs. Meyrick. 

2 Minor's Rep. i. 8. 

3 I Nott & McCord, 182. Witsell vs. Earnest & Parker. 
* Const. (Mill) Rep., 2. 314. Arthur vs. Wells. 

5 One or two are referred to in some contemporary writings, but not with sufficient 
exactness of detail to be of any service. 

6 Niles' Weekly Register, 22. 320, 352; 23. 9-12, 17, 18, 64. 

7 Quotations are from a pamphlet copy of the official report in the Boston (Mass.) 
Public Library. 8 pp. of this are missing; see especially, Introd. pp. iii, iv, vi, vii; 
and report, pp. 22. 41, 43. 



246 Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 

for a fuller account. That which followed is certified to be entirely 
complete. 

The court was composed of five freeholders and two justices, 
with no jury. They adopted rules allowing counsel for the accused, 
and requiring either two witnesses or one witness supported by 
other evidence to convict of capital crime. The general public was 
not admitted; only the owners of the slaves accused, and other 
slaves held as witnesses. The reason for this privacy was not only 
the fear of failure to detect the remainder of the plot, but also the 
safety of the witnesses. An account of the insurrection is given in 
full. It was considered noteworthy that a colored church, with 
regularly ordained ministers, meeting without whites, was the 
center for the perfecting of the conspiracy, and that all the leaders 
but one were of exceptionally good character, and especially in- 
dulged and privileged, while that one was not of bad character. 
The justices could not conceive of any reason why one of the leaders 
should enter the plot, unless he told the truth when he testified that 
he wished his children to be free. 

The passage of the South Carolina Colored Seamen's Act in 
1822 was the cause of much debate both in the North and in the 
South. No court decisions have been found bearing on the subject, 
and not much newspaper criticism of the time.* It was declared 
to be unconstitutional by almost all authorities. Indeed Lundy 
claimed that the Governor of South Carolina was not only aware 
that this was the case, but recommended the alteration of the Con- 
stitution of the United States so as to admit of such a law, in 
accordance with the Constitution ! - 

The subject of "inflammatory pamphlets" was also mentioned 
clearly in the South at this time. The primary cause of the Denmark 
Vesey Insurrection was considered to be the bringing of " pamph- 
lets of an insurrectionary character" to Charleston from the North, 
and it was remarked that in 1809 the black steward of the ship 
Minerva brought such pamphlets, was arrested, and would have 

1 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 2. 153; 4- 35. 67, etc.; Niles' Weekly 
Register, 24. 31; 25. 12 (from the New York Daily Advertiser); 28.276. There was at 
least one case which came before a court, in 1822 or 1823, where the colored seaman was 
a British subject. But no records have been found outside of the papers quoted above, 
and the statement in the Minutes of the American Convention, for 1823, p. 12, that several 
citizens of Pennsylvania had been imprisoned by its means. The trials were doubtless in 
the lower courts, of which no record is preserved. 

2 The Genius of Universal Emancipation, 4. 35. 



Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 247 

been tried for his life, had he not agreed to leave the state and never 
return.' But it is hard to determine what "inflammatory pamph- 
lets" were in existence in 1809 or 1822, which could have had a 
circulation among the slaves. The few essays and articles on im- 
mediate emancipation already noted, or the reports of the American 
Convention, or the Genius of Universal Emancipation (in 1822) 
would not seem entitled to that name, nor were they intended to 
be read by the slaves. 

The laws affecting free negroes at the South were in general 
the same as those under which the slaves were governed, though 
they had more liberty and protection in some states and under 
some circumstances. Their protection from reenslavement has 
already been considered.^ In Louisiana it was held in 1809 that 
while the marriage of slaves had no civil effect during their slavery, 
it did, from the moment of their emancipation, produce all tl 
effects which result from the same contract between whites.^ The 
rule that no slave could witness against a free black or freeborn 
mulatto, but that free blacks were competent witnesses against 
free blacks, has already been discussed.* In cases involving free 
negroes and whites the free negro was usually given the right to 
testify. In 1813 it was declared in the United States Circuit Court 
of the District of Columbia that a freeborn mulatto was a com- 
petent witness against a white person.^ This was allowed in 18 14 
in Maryland,^ and again still later.' In the District of Columbia, 
in 1808, freeborn negroes were declared competent witnesses in 
all cases, color alone being no objection to a witness.^ This prin- 
ciple was reaffirmed in 18 10 in regard to cases of freedom.^ In 
182 1 the Circuit Court decided that a colored man, who had resided 
in the District of Columbia eight years, had publicly acted as a 
free man, and was generally so reputed, was a competent witness 
against a free colored person, without further proofs of freedom.^*^ 

Free persons of color in South Carolina were deemed in 1826 

1 Pamphlet report of the trial, p. i8, note. 

2 See above, pp. 233-235. 

3 6 Mart., 559. Girod vs. Lewis. 

•* For cases in point and apparent contradictions, see above, p. 241. 
s Federal Cases, 25. 896; 2 Cranch, C. C, 94. U. S. vs. Douglass. 
8 3 Har. & John., 491. Spriggs vs. Negro Mary. 

^ Slavery Code in D. C. (1862), p. 22, note; i Cranch, C. C, 370. Minchin vs. 
Docker. 

8 Federal Cases, 27. 20; i Cranch, C. C, 517. U. S. vs. Mullany. 

9 Federal Cases, 20. 130; 2 Cranch, C. C, 3. i. Queen vs. Hepburn. 

10 Federal Cases, 27. 79; 2 Cranch, C. C, 241. U. S. vs. Neale. 



248 Court Decisions: The Slave Before the Law 

capable of holding real estate/ and were in 1823 admitted ^ to the 
benefit of the "Prison Bounds Act." A law in Mississippi in 1829 
provided for the care of children of poor free negroes and mulattoes. 
They were to be taken and bound out in the same way, and under 
the same conditions, as the poor white children of the state. ^ 

1 Harper, 2nd. edition, 495. Real Estate of Mrs. Hardcastle, ads. Porcher &c. 

2 Ibid. p. 5. Rodgers vs. Norton. 

3 Hutchinson's (Miss.) Code, p. 303. 



CHAPTER XXII 
CONCLUSION 

Though the evidence analyzed in the foregoing pages proves 
the existence of a strong anti-slavery sentiment both in the North 
and in the South during the period between 1808 and 183 1 which 
is commonly called the "period of stagnation," it is difficult to cal- 
culate the effective strength of this sentiment, or to determine how 
far it was a preparation for the liveher anti-slavery era after 1831. 
The settlement of these questions is made the harder by the violent 
antagonisms aroused in both the North and the South by the thirty 
years' struggle which culminated in the war of 1861-1865. Long 
after the actual contest was over many of the leaders of the anti- 
slavery workers still belabored each other, each accusing the other 
of failing to effect a peaceable settlement, and of being the real 
cause of the ahenation of the two sections of the country. 

The one word which characterizes the anti-slavery thought be- 
fore 1830 is "gradualism." A few apostles of immediate emancipa- 
tion before Garrison made as strong a denunciation of slavery and 
as earnest an appeal for the immediate abandonment of the evil as 
any which he or his followers uttered, but theirs was not the atti- 
tude of the majority. Although friends and descendants claim 
many in this era as among the immediate emancipationists, little 
or nothing of their work now remains, and the very evidence of 
their supposed attitude is common report. 

Perhaps the most unexpected thing about the movement during 
these years is that the South was indubitably the leader, and the 
larger force. New England had little to do with the anti-slavery 
struggle before Garrison; it became almost free itself, and was 
separated from the true South by three large states which were also 
becoming free. Perhaps it was natural that the New Englanders 
should concern themselves little with things far beyond their bor- 
ders; especially since to distance was added the natural differences 

between the people of the sections, and the jealousy which already 

249 



250 Conclusion 

showed itself on many points. Having so long nodded and napped, 
when the New Englanders at last fully awoke they could not realize 
that in other parts of the country the awakening had come earlier, 
or indeed that others had never been asleep. 

In New York and Pennsylvania the conditions were different; 
they were nearer the slave states, and in both a political and geo- 
graphical sense held a middle ground between the commercial 
states of New England and the agricultural states of the South. 
The anti-slavery societies in these states were among the first in 
the country; among the most active during the entire period of 
their existence; and among those who brought their organization 
and their personnel in large measure into the later anti-slavery 
movement. So far as these states were concerned there was never a 
break in the anti-slavery struggle; before 1808 they strove for the 
abolition of the slave trade; after 1808 they took up a different hne 
of work, the emancipation and education of the negroes already in 
the country; and after 183 1 they accepted new conditions and new 
allies in their war against the common enemy. 

A very large proportion of the reputed immediate emancipa- 
tionists were in Illinois and Ohio, notably in the southern portion 
of the latter state, where their nearness to actual slavery, and the 
almost constant passing of fugitive slaves, kept them interested. 
In these states, as well as in New York and in Pennsylvania, there 
was no break in the chain of efforts for the freedom of the slave, 
and a large proportion of the Ohio leaders in the movement headed 
by Garrison could trace their anti-slavery exertions to a period long 
before 1831, or could claim for themselves an ancestry noted for 
abolition tendencies. 

In the South the societies were more numerous, the members no 
less earnest, and the hatred of slavery no less bitter in the later than 
in the earlier part of the period under discussion. Whether they 
could have been kept in line had the same spirit actuated the North 
in the period after 1831 as before, and whether thus the final vic- 
tory of liberty could have been more easily and quickly won, is 
more than can now be established. The spirit of antagonism in 
anti-slavery circles was a new thing in 1831, and may have had at 
the South a great influence against abolition. Yet the concihation 
and persuasion so noticeable in the earlier period in twenty years 
accomplished practically nothing either in legislation or in the edu- 



Conclusion 251 

cation of public sentiment; while gradual changes in economic 
conditions at the South caused the question to grow more difficult. 
The slaves in most slave states bore a steadily increasing ratio to 
the entire population ; and the agriculture of the section was more 
and more put upon them. Even had the force of public sentiment 
been the same, it would have been less easy to emancipate the 
slaves in 1831 than in 1808. 

Yet sectional jealousy, and "delicacy" on the subject of slavery 
do not seem to have animated the mass of the Southern people 
before 183 1. Some of the slave owners, either more sensitive to 
varying shades of public opinion, or more far-sighted than their 
neighbors, detected very early the germ of that abolition tendency 
which finally alienated the entire South, and sounded the note of 
alarm. Of this class were Turnbull, author of "The Crisis," 
Benton, and other writers and speakers of more or less note. Others, 
looking in a different direction, saw the weighty evils which might 
come from a continuance of slavery, and plead for emancipation 
before it was too late. Among such men, quoted in the preceding 
pages, were Raymond of Baltimore and Swaim of North Carolina. 

Gradual emancipation alone found any real support at the South, 
although some of the writers in favor of immediate emancipation 
came from that section. Many of the slaveholders felt that their 
position would become difficult, and perhaps untenable, because of 
the steadily increasing number of slaves, which in some states al- 
ready outnumbered the whites. Many of them were willing to 
forego future profit from their slaves, if it must involve such risk, 
but could not make the sacrifice of giving up the slaves they then 
held. Immediate emancipation did not seem to meet their re- 
quirements, since it touched the property of the men who were 
then in the direction of public affairs, and suddenly overturned 
their preconceived notions and ingrained habits. Beyond these 
difficulties, it seemed destined to bring upon them suddenly, and 
without remedy, the very evils they were trying to avoid, by turn- 
ing loose among them a people whose insurrection and domination 
they began to fear; a mass of ignorant and half-tamed savages, 
presumably ready to avenge wrongs to their race if not wrongs to 
their persons. 

Those who up to this time had contended for the righteousness 
of slavery, or at least for its necessity to the South, a need with which 



252 Conclusion 

the other sections of the country had no concern, were naturally 
aroused to opposition by the fact that the free states were clamoring 
for the abolition of a sort of property that they did not possess ; and 
urged voluntary poverty upon the South in ways which did not in 
the least affect their own pockets. Even those in the South who had 
wished for the overthrow of slavery might in many cases have been 
silenced when it became clear that the abolitionists advocated that 
emancipation be forced upon the South without their consent, and 
against the judgment of very many of the people on the spot, who 
believed that the measure would give to the quondam slaves few of 
the advantages hoped for, while it would be dangerous to the very 
hves of the whites in the slave states. Sectional jealousy thus took 
the place of the common union against the evil which seems the 
chief characteristic of the period 1808-1831. 

Unless some preparation for a new issue was making during the 
twenties the effect of Garrison's trumpet call for immediate and 
unconditional emancipation was miraculous. Both the violent 
attacks on slavery by the North, and on abolition by the South were 
like explosions caused by a train laid beforehand. We can see 
traces of this growing sectional hostility in the Missouri struggle, 
when politics as well as society divided on the question of freedom 
and slavery, and the division of North and South was for the first 
time clearly marked on slavery issues. 

The period from 1808 to 183 1 was in reality a two-fold prepara- 
tion for militant abolitionism. First, those who opposed slavery 
were kept awake, educated, and made ready for the forward move- 
ment ; the arguments against slavery were carefully worked out, and 
the training of many later writers began ; certain forms of gradual 
attack upon the institution were tried, and their value tested ; and 
the slight organization of the more earnest anti-slavery advocates 
made it easy for them to give their adherence to the later societies. 
In the second place, those who cherished slavery were put gradu- 
ally on the defensive, by the foes within their own borders, and 
later by those without. At the same time, the Southern anti-slavery 
men were apparently alienated by what they thought the intolerance 
of their Northern associates. 



APPENDIX A 



NAMES MENTIONED IN CONNECTION WITH ANTI-SLAVERY, 

1808-1831 ' 

I. Officers of Anti-Slavery Societies, and Delegates to the 
American Convention ^ 



Albertson, Benjamin, Pa., 181 7- 

1821. 
Allen, John, Md., 1826. 
Allen, Moses, O., 1826. 
Allen, Paul, Md., 1825. 
AUinson, William, N. J., 1809. 
Alricks, Jacob, Del., 181 7. 
Ammidon, Otis, R. I., 1823-1825. 
Anderson, Robert P., D. C, 1828- 

1829. 
Atkinson, Samuel C, Pa., 1827. 
Atlee,^ Dr. Edwin A., Pa., 1821. 
*Atlee,3 Dr. Edwin P., Pa., 1825-1829. 
Atmore,* Marshall, Pa., 1827-1829. 



Bacon, John, Pa. (?), 1809. 

Bacon, Leonard, Conn., 1825- ? 

Baker, William, Pa., 1823. 

Balderston, John P., Md., 1827. 

Baldwin, Charles E., Md., 1827. 

Baldwin, William, Pa., 1826. 

Barker, Abraham, N. Y., 1809. 

Barron, Henry, D. C, 1827-1829. 

Barrow, David, Ky., 1816-1821. 

Bartlett, Wm. E., Md., 1828. 
*Barton, Isaac, Pa., 1821-1829. 

Bartram, Wm. Shipley, Pa., 1829. 

Beecher, Edward, Conn., 1825- ? 
*Benson, George, R. I., 1821. 



1 These lists are not intended to be either exhaustive or authoritative. To have made 
them so would have been impossible without more work than their value would warrant. 
They are lists of such names as have come up in the study, and been taken down for one 
reason or another. No names have been taken from a single secondary authority; and 
but very few even where two or more secondary writers agree on naming them. Nearly 
all are from the "Genius," the reports of the American Convention, or from published 
writings or speeches of the individual named. No authority is assumed for the spelling 
of the names, since a name manifestly the same has been found with several different 
spellings. The more probable has been taken, and in some cases both are mentioned. 

The purpose of the list is merely to give a slight idea of the numbers engaging in the 
work, since the names found must be only a small fraction, even of the prominent workers, 
and to give to those who may find in them the name of some one known to them an idea 
of the character of the men engaged in such labors during this period. 

2 These represent nearly all the delegates to the Convention, but only a small pro- 
portion of the officers of the societies, since not all the societies sent reports of their officers 
at any time, and but few to every meeting of the Convention, while other workers might 
have been prominent in the years between the Conventions, even in those societies where 
the reports were sent most frequently. Those names preceded by a * are mentioned in the 
early reports of the American Anti-Slavery Society, but are not, we must be sure, the names 
of all who passed from the old societies into the new. The states are placed in each case 
after the name, and the first and last date in which some mention of the man in connec- 
tion with an anti-slavery society was found. It is assumed that they were active dunng 
the entire period covered by the two dates, even where no record is found. 

3 Several times spelt AtLee. * Once spelt Attmore. 

253 



254 



Appendix A 



Binney, Horace, Pa., 1821. 
Blunt, Joseph, N. Y., 1827. 
Bond, Robert, Va., 1827-1828. 
Bosworth, Josiah, D. C, 1828-1829. 
Bouvier, John, Pa., 1827-1829. 
Bowdle, T., Md., 1826. 
Bowne, Robert H., N. Y., 1809. 
Bowne,! Thos. P., N. Y., 1826-1827. 
Bracken, B. W., Del., 1827. 
Brackett, Jos. Warren, N. Y., 1812. 
Braden, Noble S., Va., 1827. 
Brazelton, Wm., Tenn., 1825. 
Breckinridge,^ Robert J., Ky., 1830. 
Brewer, Anson L., O., 1827. 
Brian, James, Del., 181 7. 
Briggs, Isaac, Del., 181 7. 
Bringhurst,^ Joseph, Del., 1809-1823. 
Brooks, Stephen, Tenn., 1821-1823. 
Brown, D(avid), Md., 1827-1829. 
Brown, David Paul, Pa., 1821-1827. 
Brown, David S., N. Y., 1821-1827. 
Brown, Goold, N. Y., 1821-1827. 
Brown, Samuel, Va., 1828. 
Brown,* Thos. P., N. Y., 1823-1825. 
Brown, William, Pa., 1812. 
Bryant, William, Pa., 1817-1821. 
*Buffum, Arnold, R. I., 1823. 
Bunner, Randolph, N. Y., 1809. 
Bunting, Jacob T., Pa., 1821. 
Burgess, Dyer, O., 1818. 
Burke, F(rancis), D. C, 1828. 

Caldwell, John, Tenn., 1824-1825. 
Canaday, John, Tenn., 1814. 
Canby, Charles, Del., 1827. 
Cannalt, Caleb, Pa., 1821-1825. 
Carroll, Joseph F., N. Y., 1823. 
Chalmers, John, D. C, 1827-1828. 
Chance, David, 111., 1822. 
Chandler, John, Jr., Pa., 1821-1823. 
Chapman, Abraham, Pa., 1812-1817. 
Chase, Borden, N. Y., 1827. 



Clark, Benjamin, N. Y., 1817-1829. 
Clark, John, 111., 1822. 
Clayland, Lambert, Md., 181 7. 
Clizbe,' Ira, N. Y., 1823-1827. 
Coale, William E., Md., 1827-1828. 
Coffin, Aaron, N. C, 1824-1825. 
Coffin, Hector, R. I., 1825. 
Coffin; Levi, N. C, 181 7. 
Colden, Cadwallader D., N. Y., 1809- 

1829. 
Coleman, Sam., N. J., 1802. 
Collins, Ben. S., N. Y., 1812. 
Collins, Charles, N. Y., 1809. 
Collins, Isaac, N. Y., 181 7-1825. 
Collins, Thomas, N. Y., 1809-1812. 
Comstock, Nathan, N. Y., 1821. 
Cooper, Amos, N. J., 1809. 
Cope, Charles S., Pa., 1829. 
Cope, Thos. P., Pa., 1809-1817. 
Codies,* Joseph, N. Y., 1821-1829. 
Corlies, Joseph W., 1826-1827. 
Cornelius, Sam., D. C, 1829. 
Cornell, Robert C, N. Y., 1817-1829. 
Corse, Barney, N. Y., 1825-1829. 
Corse, Israel, N. Y., 1825-1828. 
Coulson, John, Tenn., 1822-1825. 
*Cox, Abram, N. Y., 1827. 
Cox, James, Pa., 1821-1823. 
Coxe, William, N. J., 1809. 
Crandell, John, D. C., 1829. 
Cresson, B., Pa., 1817. 
Cromwell, John J., N. Y., 1812. 
Crow, John F., Ky., 1821-1823. 
Cummings, James, Tenn., 1825. 
Curlies,^ Joseph, N. Y., 1829. 
Curtis, Joseph, N. Y., 181 7-1829. 

Dallam, William, Md., 1828. 
Darnell, Rev. Henry, JCy., 1621. 
Davenport, Franklin, N. J., 1809. 
Davenport, Joseph, Md., 1828. 
Davis, Benjamin, Ky., 1821. 



1 Possibly Brown? 

2 Signed paper in 1830 calling for a society in Ky., which had no real result. See text. 

3 Given in 1809 as Jr. Probably the same man. 

* Possibly Bowne? 5 Spelt also Clisbe. 

8 Spelt also Corleis and Corles. "^ Is this a misprint for Curtis? 



Appendix A 



255 



Davis. D. J., Pa., 181 7. 
Dawes, Joseph C, D. C, 1827-1829. 
Dawes, Joseph C, Md., 1828. 
Day, Mahlon, N. Y., 1825-1828. 
Deane, Levi, 111., 1822. 
Delaney, William L., Pa., 1809-1817. 
Denboer, Nicholas, Md., 1827. 
Dickson, George, 111., 1822. 
Di.xon, Isaac, Del., 1815. 
Doan, Thomas, Tenn., 1821-1825. 
Donnell, Samuel, Esq., Ky., 1821. 
Downing, James, 111., 1822. 
Drinker, George, D. C, 1829. 
Duer, John, N. Y., 1829. 
Duncan, E., Jr., Ky., 1822. 
Dwight, Theodore, N. Y., 1818-1826. 

Eagleton, Elijah McKee, Tenn., 1825. 
Earle, Thomas, Pa., 1821-1829. 
Eastman, Jonathan, Md., 1825. 
Eddy, Thomas, N. Y., 1809-1817. 
Edwards, Samuel, Pa., 1821-1827. 
Ellis, David, Pa., 1821-1827. 
Elston, Andrew, N. J., 1809. 
Ely.i Isaac M., N. Y., 1817-1826. 
Emraett, Thos. Addis, N. Y., 1809- 

1826. 
Evans, John, Pa., 1809. 
Evans, Jos., Pa., 1823-1829. 
Evans, R., Pa., 1829. 
Ewen, Thomas, Jr., Pa., 1821. 

Falconer, Samuel, N. Y., 1827. 
Fawcett, Elisha, Va., 1827. 
Fawcett, Josiah, Va., 1828. 
Fell, Jonathan, Pa., 181 7. 
*Ferris, Benjamin, Del., 1823-1826. 
Ferris, William L., N. Y., 1827. 
Ferris, Ziba, Del., 181 7. 
Field, John, Jr., Pa., 1821. 
Field, Richard, N. Y., 1827-1829. 
Finley, William, Pa., 1827. 
Fisher, George, Pa., 1809-1812. 
Folwell, William, Jr., Pa., 181 7. 



Frame, William, Ky., 1821. 
Franklin, Walter, Pa., 1809. 
Frazer, Abner, Tenn., 1822. 

Galbreath, James, Tenn., 1821-1822. 
Gardner, Eph., Md., 1828. 
Garrett, Thos., Jr., Del., 1823-1827. 
Garrett, William, Tenn., 1825. 
Gawthrop, George, Pa., 1823. 
Gibbons, WilUam, M. D., Del. 1817- 

1827. 
Gilbert, E. W., Del., 1827. 
Gillingham, George, Md., 1828. 
Gilpin, Ed., Del., 1809. 
Godwin, Henry M., Del., 1817. 
Graham, John, Pa., 1827. 
Gram, John, Pa., 1824. 
Grant, J. D., Ky., 1821. 
Gray, Asa, Tenn., 1825. 
Greene,^ David, Mass., 1826. 
Griffith, William, Pa., 1826. 
Grim, Jas. Oswald, N. Y., 1829. 
Grubb, Sam. S., Del., 1827. 
Guest, Job, D. C, 1828. 

Hackney, Aaron, Tenn., 1825. 
Hackney, James, Va., 1827. 
Hackney, Joseph, Va., 1828. 
Hale, Thos., N. Y., 1827-1829. 
Hallowell, Ben., D. C., 1827. 
Hallowell, John, Pa., 1809-1817. 
Hallowell, William S., Pa., 1827. 
Hamilton, Thos. M., 111., 1822, 
Hammer, Aaron, Tenn., 1825. 
Hammer, Elisha, Tenn., 1825. 
Hammer, Isaac, Tenn., 1821. 
Hammond, Jabez D., N. Y., 1829. 
Harrison, Thos., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Harryman, David, Md., 1826-1828. 
Hartshorne, Richard, N. J., 1807. 
Hatch, Isaac, N. Y., 1827. 
Haviland, Edmund, N. Y., 1827- 

1829. 
Haydock, Henry, N. Y., 1827. 



1 Once given as Israel, and once J. M. 

2 Greene was a student in Andover Seminary. 



Nothing is known of Iii-, home. 



256 



Appendix A 



Hazard, Rowland, R. I., 1821. 
Hazard,! Thos., N. Y., 1821. 
Hegerman, Adrian, N. Y., 1809. 
Hemphill, Jos., Pa., 1809. 
Henderson, John, Pa., 1821. 
Hewlett, John Q., Md., 1828. 
Hicks, Robert, N. Y., 1827. 
Hicks, Sam., N. Y., 1809-1812. 
Hicks, Willett, N. Y., 1809. 
Higgins, Patrick, 111., 1822. 
Hilles, David, Pa., 1827. 
Hilles, Eli, Del., 1821-1827. 
Hilles, Sam., Del., 1817-1827. 
Hilton, Dan., 111., 1822. 
Hilyard, Abraham, Pa., 1809-1812. 
Hinchman, J., Pa., 1817. 
Hines, Matthew, D. C, 1829. 
Hoge, Thos., Tenn., 1823-1825. 
Hollinshead, Ben. M., Pa., 1821. 
Holmes, Christian, Va., 1828. 
Holmes, WilHam, Va., 1826-1828. 
Hooks, John A., Tenn., 1825. 
Hoopes, Isaac N., Md., 1826-1827. 
Hopkins, James, Pa., 1821-1827. 
Hopkins, Jos. R., Pa., 1809. 
Hopkinson, Jos., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Hopper, Isaac, Pa., 1827 (1795-1852). 
Houston, James, Tenn., 1825. 
Hubbard,^ F. W., Mass., 1826. 
Huffaker, Justice, Tenn., 1825. 
Hughes, George, Md., 1825. 
Hull, Oliver, N. Y., 1825. 

Jackson, George, R. I., 1825. 
Jackson, Isaac, Del., 1817-1821. 
Jackson, Israel, Pa., 1821. 
Jackson, William, Jr., Pa., 182 1- 

1823. 
Jacobs, Thomas, D. C., 1829. 
Jacques, Gideon, M. D., Del., 1821- 

1823. 
Janney, Daniel, Va., 1826-1828. 
Janney, Jacob, D. C, 1828-1829. 



Janney, Jonathan, D. C, 1829. 
Janney, Sam. M., D. C, 1827-1829. 
Jay, Peter A., N. Y., 1812-1829. 
Jenks, Jos(eph) R., Pa., 1809. 
Jenkins, Sylvanus, N. Y., 1812. 
Jennings, Obadiah, Pa., 1824. 
Johns, Abraham, Md., 1825. 
Johnson, WiUiam, N. Y., 1809-1827. 
Jones, Aquila, Md., 1827. 
Jones, Isaiah, Tenn., 1821-1822. 
Jones, James, Tenn., 1821-1828. 
Jones, John, Del., 1809. 
Jones, John T., Md., 1827. 
Jones, Thomas, Tenn., 1825. 
Jones, William, Pa., 1827-1829. 
Jones, William. R., Md., 1827-1829. 

Keating, John, Jr., Pa., 1821-1823. 
Kenworthy, Jesse, Pa., 1826-1827. 
Kerr, David, Tenn., 1825. 
Kesl(e)y, Rev. Wm., Md., 1826-1829. 
Ketchum, Hiram, N. Y., 1821-1829. 
Kinsey, Edmund, Pa., 1809-1812. 
Kirk, William J., Pa.. 1827. 
Kite, Jos. S., Pa., 1821. 

Lamborn, Jonathan, Del., 1817. 
Lancaster, Moses, Pa., 1823. 
Lawton, William, N. Y., 1827. 
Lea, Joseph, Pa., 1817. 
Lee, Ephraim, Tenn., 1825. 
Leggett, Aaron, N. Y., 1826-1828. 
Leggett, Reuben, N. Y., 181 7. 
Leggett, Thomas, Jr., N. Y., 1827. 
Lemen, James, 111., 1822. 
Lemen, Josiah, 111., 1822. 
Lemen, Jos., Jr., 111., 1822. 
Lemen, Moses, 111., 1822. 
Levering, Thos., D. C, 1828-1829. 
*Lewis, Evan, Del., 181 7-1823; N. Y. 
1827-1828. (Pa., 1833.) 
Lewis, Jehu, Pa., 1827. 
Lewis, Mordecai, N. Y., 1812. 



^ Thomas Hazard was a former resident of R. I. and member of the R. I. Society, 
hence a delegate from that society in 1821. 

2 Hubbard was a student at Williams College. Nothing is known of his home. 



Appendix A 



257 



Lewis, William, Pa., 1809-1817. 
Lilleston, John W., Ky., 1821. 
Lockhart, Jesse, Tenn., 1814-1825. 
Lowber, Dan., Del., 1809. 
Lowber, John C, Pa., 1827. 
Lower, Abraham, Pa., 1821. 
Lundy, Benjamin, O., 1815 ; Tenn., 
1823-1826; Md., 1827-1829. 

Malcum, William, Tenn., 1825. 
Mankin, Henry, Md., 1827-1828. 
Markland, E. I., Md., 1828. 
Marshall, Abraham, Pa., 1823. 
Marshall, Abraham, Jr., Pa., 1821- 

1823. 
Marshall, Abraham, Tenn., 1823. 
Martin, Jos. D., Pa., 1809. 
Martin, Moses, Ky., 1816-1821. 
Mason, Sam., Jr., Pa., 1823-1827. 
Master, William, Pa., 1809-1817. 
Matthews, Joshua, Md., 1828. 
Matthews, Sam., Md., 1826. 
Matthews,^ S. H., Md., 1828. 
Matthews, Thomas, Md., 1828. 
Maulsby, David, Tenn., 1814. 
McClellan, Jos. B., Tenn., 1823. 
McClelland, John, D. C, 1829. 
McClintock, Thomas, Pa., 1827-1829. 
McClure, Robert, Pa., 1826. 
McCorkle, Francis H., Tenn., 1823. 
McCormick, Hugh, N. Y., 182 1- 

1823. 
McCormick, John, Pa., 1827. 
McCoy, John, Pa., 1825. 
McCoy, John C, Ky., 1821. 
McGirr, William, Pa., 1826. 
McGuire, Samuel, 111., 1822. 
McLeod, John, D. C, 1829. 
McNees, Samuel, Tenn., 1825. 
Megear, Michael, Del., 1821. 
Mendenhall, Eli, Del., 1809. 
Mendenhall, Richard, N. C, 1824- 

1828. 



Meyers, Sam., D. C, 1828. 
Michener, Ezra, M. D., Pa., 1821- 

1823. 
Mifflin, Joseph, Pa., 1818. 
Mifflin, Warner, Del., 181 7. 
Milnor, James, Pa., 1809-1812. 
Mitchell, Sam. L., N. Y., 1809. 
Montgomery, James, Ky., 1821. 
Moore, Ben. P., Md., 1828. 
Moore, John, Tenn., 1823. 
Moore, Jos., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Moore, Lindley M., N. Y., 1821. 
Moore, Robert, Md., 181 7. 
Moore, Wm. M., Md., 1817. 
Morgan, John, Tenn., 1814. 
Morgan, William H., Md., 1827-1829. 
Morrell, Elisha, N. Y., 1809. 
Morris, Lewis, Pa., 1826. 
Morris, Matthias, Pa., 1821-1827. 
Mott, James, Pa., 1823-1829. 
Mott, Richard, Jr., N. Y., 1827-1829. 
Mott, Robert F., N. Y., 1821-1825. 
Mott, William F., N. Y., 1827. 
Mott, William W., N. Y., 1823-1827. 
Munro, Peter Jay, N. Y., 1812. 
Munro,^ Peter Say, N. Y., 1809. 
Murphy, Robert, Pa., 1821-1829. 
Murray, James, Pa., 1821. 
Murray,^ James W., Pa., 1821-1823. 
Murray, John, Jr., N. Y., 1809-1817. 

Neal, R. H., D. C, 1827. 
Neale, James, Md., 1817. 
Needles, Edward, Pa., 181 7-1823; 

Md., 1825. 
Needles, John, Md., 1825-1829. 
Newbold, George, N. Y., 1809-1829. 
Newbold, Joshua, N. J., 1812. 
Newbold, William, N. J., 1809. 
Newhn, Cyrus, Del., 1809. 
Newport, Jesse W., Pa., 1827. 
Nicholson, L., Pa., 1817. 
Nicols, S., Del., 1809. 



17 



* Is this the same as the one preceding? 
2 Probably as the one just preceding? 



258 



Appendix A 



Noble, Charles, Pa., 1829. Post, Henry, Jr., N.Y., 1809. 

Norris,^ Joseph P., Pa., 1823-1827. Potter, Thos. M., N. J., 1809. 

Potts, John., N. J., 1809. 
Ogle, Benjamin, 111., 1822. Preston, David, Md., 1828. 

Osborn, Charles, Tenn., 1814; N. C, Preston, Jonas, Pa., 1821-1829. 



1816. 
Osborn, I., Tenn., 1823. 
Owen, T., Jr., Pa., 1817. 

Palmer, Aaron H., N. Y., 1809. 
Palmer, James, N. Y., 1821-1826. 
Pardoe, John, Tenn., 1825. 
Parker, Joseph, Pa., 1809-1829. 
Parker, Thos., Pa., 1809-1817. 
Parker, Thos., Jr., Pa., 1827-1829. 
Parrish, Dr. Jos., Pa., 181 7-1829. 
Parvin, Ben. C, Pa., 1817-1821. 
Passy, John, Md., 1825. 
Patterson, Rob., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Paul, Joseph M., Pa., 1812-1827. 
Paxon, Sam., N. J., 1812. 
Paxson,Tim., Pa., 1809-1817. 
Paxson, Wm. P., Pa., 1821. 
Pearson, Isaac, Pa., 1809-1812. 
Pennock, Abraham L., Pa., 181 7- 

1829. 
Pennock, Ben. J., M. D., Pa., 1823. 
Pepper, Henry I., Del., 1821-1823. 
Peters, Richard, Jr., Pa., 181 7- 

1821. 
Peterson, George, Pa., 1627-1829. 
Phillipps, Sol., Pa., 1826. 
Phipps, Thos., Pa., 1809-1817. 
Pickering, Ellis, Tenn., 1825. 
Pickering, Enos, Tenn., 1825. 
Pidgeon, Isaac, Va., 1828. 

Pierce, , Pa., 1827. 

Pierce, Isaac, Del., 1827. 
Pierce, John, Md., 1825. 
Pike, Stephen, Pa., 1809. 
Plummer, Thos. G., Md., 1825. 
Poole, William, Del., 1809-1817. 
Porter, Robert, Del., 1827. 

1 Possibly Morris. 

2 Rankin was in Ky. from 1817-1821, and in Ohio from 1821-1865. A man of the 
name is mentioned as from N. Y. in 1833. 

3 Sadd was a student at Wilhams College. Nothing is known of his home. 



Preston, Mahlon, Pa., 1823. 
Price, Ben., Pa., 1821-1823. 
Price, Jos., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Price, Mahlon C, Md., 1826. 
Price, Philip, Jr., Pa., 181 7-1823. 
Pryce, William, Del., 1809. 
PuUiam, James, 111., 1822. 
Pusey, Lea, Pa., 1821-1823; Del., 
1827. 

Quarles, John, Md., 1827. 

♦Rankin,^ John, Tenn., 1814; Ky., 
1821. 
Rawle, William, Pa., 1809-1829. 
Rawle, William, Jr., 1821-1827. 
Raymond, Daniel, Md., 1825-1829. 
Reed, Walker, Pa., 1809. 
Reese, John S., Md., 1826-1829. 
Reynolds, John, Del., 1809-1827. 
Reynolds, William, N. C, 1829. 
Richards, William P., Del., 1827. 
Ridgeway, Thos., Pa., 1827-1829. 
Robbins, Willet, N. Y., 1812. 
Roberts, William, Tenn., 1825. 
Roberts, William, Tenn., 1825. 
Rogers, Thos., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Ross, John, Pa., 181 7. 
Ross, Samuel, Pa., 1829. 
Rowland, Jos. G., Del., 1817-1827. 
Rowland, Jos. W., Pa., 1823-1827. 
Rulon, Ben., N. J., 1809. 
Rush, Dr. Ben., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Rush, Richard, Pa., 1809-1812. 

Sadd,3 J. M., Mass., 1826. 
Sampson, William, N. Y., 1817- 
1823. 



Appendix A 



259 



Sanford, Nathan, N. Y., 1812. 
Sawyer, Walter, N. Y., 181 7. 
Scholfield, David, O., 1827. 
Scrivener, John, D. C, 1828. 
Seal, William, Del., 1809-1827. 
Seaman, Valentine, N. Y., 1809- 

1817. 
Seaman, Willet, N. Y., 1812-1827. 
Sergeant, John, Pa., 181 2-182 7. 
Sharp, George, Va., 1827. 
Sharpless, Blakey, Pa., 1821. 
Sharpless, Townsend, Pa., 1821. 
Shaw, Alex., Pa., 181 7-1823. 
Sheppard, Allen, N. Y., 1809. 
Sheppard, Sam. C, Pa., 1829. 
Sherwood, Isaac, N. Y., 1827. 
*Shipley, Thos., Pa., 181 7-1829. 
Shook, Samuel, 111., 1822. 
Shotwell, Gilbert, N. Y., 1812. 
Shortwell, Harvey, N. Y., 1827. 
Sitgreaves, Sam., Pa., 1827. 
Sliver, Abraham, Md., 1828. 
Slocum, William T., N. Y., 1809. 
Slosson,' William, N. Y., 1809-1827. 
Smith, Charles, Pa., 181 7. 
Smith, D., Va., 1826-1828. 
Smith, Dan. (G.), Pa., 1809-1821. 
Smith, Isaac, Tenn., 1825. 
Smith, James, Pa., 1821. 
Smith, Nathan, Pa., 1809-1812. 
Smith, Sam., Pa., 1809-1812. 
Smith, W. R., Pa., 1823. 
Stackhouse, Powell, Pa., 182 7-1829. 
Stanley, Jesse, Pa., 1827-1829. 
Stanton, Benjamin, O., 1827. 
Starr, Isaac H., Del, 1809. 
Stearns, Dr. John, Pa., 1821-1827. 
Stier, Fred., Md., 1825-1826. 
Stone, William L., N. Y., 1826-1829. 
Stratton, N. Willis, Md., 1827. 
Stuart, Zimri, N. C, 1825-1829. 
Summers, James, Md., 1825. 
Swaim, Benjamin, N. C, 1826-1830. 
Swaim, Moses, N. C, 1816-1826. 
Swaim, William, N. C, 1826- 1830. 



Swain, Elihu, Tenn., 1814. 
Swain, John, Tenn., 1814-1823. 
Swayne, William, Pa., 1821-1823. 
Symmes, Austin, 111., 1822. 

Tarrant, Carter, Ky., 181 1. 
Taylor, Ben. F., Va., 1826-1827. 
Taylor, Henry S., Va., 1825-1826. 
Taylor, Yardley, Va., 1825-1826. 
Temple, Sol., Pa., 1821-1826. 
Terry, Stephen, 111., 1822. 
Thomas, John, Ky., 181 1. 
Thompson, Jeremiah, N. Y., 1812- 

1821. 
Thompson, Jonah, Pa., 181 7. 
Thomson, J. I., Md., 1827. 
Thorn, Isaac, Ky., 1825. 
Titus, Michael M., N. Y., 1826- 

1829. 
Titus, Peter S., N. Y., 1827. 
Todhunter, Joshua, Pa., 1827-1829. 
Townsend, Charles, Pa., 1809-1812. 
Troth, Henry, Pa., 181 7-1829. 
Truman, Jos. M., Pa., 1821-1829. 
Tucker, Ben., Pa., 181 7-1829. 
Tucker, Thos., N. Y., 1812-1817. 
Tyson, Elisha, Md. (No definite 

dates.) 
Twining, Alex., Conn., 1825. 

Underbill, Ira B., N. Y., 1809. 
Underbill, John, Tenn., 1814. 
Underbill, Josh., N. Y., 1812-1826. 

Vail, Eli, N. Y., 1826. 

Valentine, Bond, Pa., 1823. 

Van Hook, Isaac A., N. Y., 1809- 

1812. 
Vaux, George, Pa., 1809. 
Vaux, Roberts, Pa., 1809-1823. 
Veitch, William, D. C, 1828. 

Wadsworth, John, N. Y., 1812. 
Wales, John, Del., 1821-1827. 
Walker, Charles, N. Y., 1829. 



1 Once found Slosser. 



26o 



Appendix A 



Walker, Edward, Va., 1827. 
Wain, Jacob S., Jr., Pa., 1809. 
Walter, Edwin, Pa., 1829. 
Ward,i JqJ^j^^ j^ y., 1821. 
Ward, Ulysses, D. C, 1829. 
Ware, N. H., Md., 1827. 
Waugh, Townshend, D. C, 1829. 
Wayne, William, Pa., 1829. 
Wayne, William, Jr., Pa., 181 7. 
Weatherly, David, Pa., 1827-1829. 
Weaver, Amos, N. C, 1829-1830. 
Webb, B., Del., 1817-1827. 
Webb, Sam., Pa., 181 7. 
Wells, George, Tenn., 1822. 
Wharton, William, Pa., 1829. 
Wheeler, Rev. Charles, Pa., 1825- 

1827. 
West, Amos, Md., 1828-1829. 
White, Robert, N. Y., 1817-1821. 
White, Wm. C, N. Y., 1826-1829. 
Wickes, William, Del., 181 7. 
Wiley, Hugh, Ky., 1822. 
Wilkinson, Francis, Pa., 1821. 
Williams, Ben., Pa., 1809-1821. 
Williams, Job M., O., 1826. 
Williams, Zopa, 111., 1822. 
Willis, Jesse, Tenn., 1814. 



Willis, John R., N. ¥., 1825. 
Willits, H., Pa., 1821. 
Willits,^ John H., Pa., 1821. 
Willits, Sam., N. Y., 1823. 
Wilson, Jas. J., 1809-1812. 
Wilson, Jas. R., Pa., 1829. 
Wilson, P. N., Tenn., 1823. 
Wilson, Sam., Md., 1828. 
Wistar, Caspar, Pa., 1815-1817. 
Witsel, Henry, Del., 1823. 
Wood, D. C, Pa., 1829. 
Wood, Richard C, Pa., 1821. 
Wood, Sam., N. Y., 1823. 
Woods, W. W., Tenn., 1823. 
Woolsey, Theodore, Conn., 1825. 
Worrell, Edw., Del., 1817-1827. 
Wright, Isaac, N. Y., 1827. 
Wright, John B., N. Y., 1827. 
Wright, Luther, Conn., 1825. 
*Wright, Peter, Pa., 1821-1829. 
Wright, Thos., Va., 1828. 
Wright, William, Pa., 1818. 

Young,^ John C, Ky., 1830. 

Zollickkoffer, Daniel, Md., 1827. 
ZoUickoffer, H. M., Pa., 1829. 



II. Other Names found in Connection with Anti-Slavery 



(Va.?). 



Adamson,* , S. C, 1825. 

Allen, George R., . 

Amphlett, William, Ohio (Eng.). 
Asbury, Bishop Francis. 
Austin, James T., Mass. 

Bankson, A., 111., 1823. 
Bettle, Edward, Pa. 
Birkbeck, Morris, 111. 

1 John Ward was a former resident of R. I. and member of the R. I. society. He was 
a delegate from that society in 1821. 

2 It seems possible for some reasons to think that the H. Willits above was a mis- 
print for John H. Willits. 

3 Signed call for the meeting in Ky. in 1830. 

4 Shot in 1825, presumably for his anti-slavery tendencies. 

5 Signed the memorial in Mass. against further extension of slavery in Missouri which 
was quite anti-slavery. 



Birney, James G., Ky., Ala. 
Blake, Francis. 
Blake,^ G., Mass. 
Blakeman, Curtis, 111., 1823. 
Bourne, George, N. Y 
Branagan, Thomas. 
Bristed, John., N. Y. 
Bryan, Daniel, Va. 
Buchanan, George. 



Appendix A 



261 



Cairns, Abraham, 111., 1823. 
Caldwell, G., 111., 1823. 

Cameron, , Ky. 

Campbell, Alex., Va., Ala., Tenn., O. 
Carey, Matthew. 
Chandler, E. M., Del. 
Churchill, George, 111., 1823. 
Clark, John, 111., 1823. 
Coles, Edward, 111. 
Cook, Daniel P., 111. 
Cornish,' Samuel, N. Y. 
Corwine, Amos, Ky., 1821. 
Corwine, George, Ky., 1821. 
Crothers, Rev. Samuel, Ky., O. 

Cunshawe, , Va. 

Cushman, Joshua, Maine. 



Goodell, William, R. I. 
Gross, Ezra C, N. Y. 

Hale, E., Jr., Mass. 
Hardin, William, 1821. 
Hicks, Elias, N. Y. 
Hoffman, Michael, N. Y. 
Holman, Joseph, Ind. 
Hopkinses, The, of Ohio. 
Hopper, Isaac T., Pa. 
Hunt, George, Ind. 
Huskell. 

Jarvis, S. T., Mass. 
Jay, William, N. Y. 
Jennings, Jonathan, Ind. 



Dickeys, The, of Ohio. 
Doak, Samuel, Tenn., N. C. 

Dodge, ,Ky. 

Dole, Ebenezer, Maine. 
Duncan, James, Ky., Ind. 
Dunlop, William, Ky., O. 
Dupre, Lewis. 
Dwight, Timothy, Conn. 

Elliott, John, Pa. 
Embree, Elihu, Tenn. 
Emmett, John. 
Evans, Estwick, N. H. 
Evarts, Jeremiah. 

Finlay, John, Md. 
Flower, George, 111. 
Forten,^ James, Pa. 

Gallison,- John, Mass. 
Garrignes, Samuel P. 
Garrison, William Lloyd. 
Gibbons, Daniel, Pa. 
Gibbons, Joseph, Pa. 
Gilliland, James, S. C, O. 



Kenrick, John. 

King, Rufus. 

Kinkade, William, 111., 1823. 

Kirkpatricks, The, of Ohio. 

Knight, Henry C. 

Lamb, Michael, Md. 
Law, Thomas, D. C. 
Lawton, James, O. 
Leavitt, Joshua, Mass., N. Y., Conn. 
Livermore, Edward, Mass. 
Lockhart, Jesse^ Tenn. 
Lockwood, Samuel D., 111. 
Lowry, William, 111., 1823. 

Magaughy, John. 
Mahan, Rev. Asa. 
Mahan, Rev. John, O. 
Mather, Thos., 111., 1823. 
Maxwell, William, Va. 
McGahey, David, 111., 1823. 
McLane, Del., 1819. 
McLean, Prof., N. J. 
Meigs, Henry, N. Y. 
Miner, Charles, Pa. 
Minge, David, Va. 



1 A colored man. 

- Signed the memorial in Mass. against further extension of slavery in Missouri 
which was quite anti-slavery. 



262 



Appendix A 



Moore, Risdon, 111., 1823. 
Morrill, David L., N. H. 
Morris, Thomas, Va , O. 
Mower, Milo, La. 

Nelson, John M., Va. 
Nicholson, Judge, Md. 
Niles, Hezekiah, Md. 
Nye, Horace. 

Ogden, George W. 
Ogle, Jacob, 111., 1823. 
Osborne, Adila Lawrence, S. C. 

Palmer, Dr., Mass. 

Parker, Daniel, 111., 1823. 

Parrott,^ Russell, Pa. 

Paulding, James K. 

Paxton, John D. 

Peck, Rev. John M., 111. 

Peck, Solomon. 

Pell, Gilbert, 111., 1823. 

Plumer, William, N. H. 

Prentice, George D., Conn. 

Pugh, Jonathan. 

Quincy,^ Josiah, Mass. 

Rice, David, Ky. 
Russwurm,^ John B., N. Y. 



Salsburys, The, of Ohio. 

Schoolcraft. 

Sergeant, John, Pa. 

Sewall, Samuel E. 

Sims, James, 111., 1823. 

Snedigers, The, of Ohio. 

Stewart, Alvan. 

Stillman, Stephen, 111., 1823. 

Stoddard, Amos. 

Story, Judge. 

Stroud, George M., Pa. 

Sturgis, William, Mass. 

Sullivan, Richard, Mass. 

Sumner, Brad., Mass. 

Tappan, Arthur. 
Tappan, John, Mass. 

Taylor, , N. Y. 

Thomas, David, N. Y. 
Thornton. 
Torrey, Jesse. 
Tyson, John S. 

Walley, S. H., Mass. 
Walker,' David, Mass. 
Watson, Joseph. 
Weld, Theodore D. 
Whittier, John G. 
Wright, Judge Jabez, O. 
Wright, John, N. Y. 



III. Names of the Agents of Lundy's " Genius " in the 
Different States 



Massachusetts. 

Worcester, Noah. 
New Jersey. 

Lundy, Richard. 
Pennsylvania. 

Hale, Thomas. 

McKeever, William. 
Maryland. 

Niles, Hezekiah. 

Stabler, James P. 



Virginia. 

Brown, Samuel. 

Taylor, John, Jr. 

Webb, William. 
North Carolina. 

Hellen, Brian. 

Lundy, Thomas. 

Moore, (?) Thos. 
South Carolina. 

McMillan, Rev. H. 



1 A colored man. 

2 Signed the memorial in Mass. against further extension of slavery in Missouri 
which was quite ami-slavery. 



Appendix A 



26: 



Kentucky. 

Corwine, Amos, Jr. 

Grant, J. D. 

Zane, William. 
Tennessee. 

Brazelton William. 

Burkhart, George. 

Deadrick, David, Esq. 

Embree, Elijah. 

Williams, John. 
Ohio. 

Embree, Thomas. 



Lewis, William. 

Mason, James Jvl. 

Pierce, Richard. 

Smith, Mahlon. 

Williams, Richard. 

Wilson, James, Esq. 

Wright, N. 
Illinois. 

Gerger, John. 

Piper, E. H. 

Roberts, William F. 

Warren, Hooper, Esq. 



APPENDIX B 

NAMES OF ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES, 1808-1831 

Connecticut. 

New Haven. Bacon, 1825. 

New Haven, colored. 1827. 
Delaware. 

Delaware Abolition Society, 1788, 1809, 1815, 181 7, 1821, 1823, 1826, 
1827. 

Delaware Free Labor Society, 1827. 

Kent County, 1817, 1818. 

Wilmington. 181 7. 

Wilmington. 182 1, 1826. 

Wilmington Anti-Slavery Society, 1827. 

Wilmington Free Produce. 1826, 1827. 
District of Columbia. 

African Slavery Abolition Society of Washington. 1827. 

Alexandria. 1827. 

Alexandria Benevolent Society. 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829. 

District of Columbia. 1827. 

Society for Abolition in the District of Columbia, 1827, 182S. 

Washington. 1827. 

Washington City Abolition Society. 1827, 1828, 1829. 

Washington Society for Abolition in the District of Columbia. 1828. 
Illinois. 

Friends of Humanity. 1822, 1824. 
Kentucky. 

Friends of Humanity, 1807 (and later). 

Kentucky Abolition Society. 1808, 1811, 1812, 1815, 1816, 1821, 1822. 

Near Frankfort. 1809, 1823. 
Maryland. 

Anti-Slavery Convention of Maryland. 1826, 1827, 1828. 

Anti-Slavery Society of Maryland. 1825, 1826, 1827, 1828. 

Baltimore, 1826. 

Baltimore Society, 1826, 1827. 

Baltimore Protection Society. 

Baltimore Young Men's Society. 1825. 

Caecil County. 1827. 

Easton. 171 7, 182 1. 

Gunpowder Branch. 1826. 

264 



Appendix B 265 

Maryland — (Continued) 

Jefferson (Baltimore Co.). 1827. 

Maryland Abolition Society, 1789, 1826, 1827. 

Maryland Protection Society. 1818. 

National Anti-Slavery Tract Society. 1827, 1828, 1829. 

Newmarket (Fred. Co.) 1825. 

Pike Creek Settlement (Fred. Co.). 1826. 
Massachusetts. 

Andover Seminary. 1826. 

Williams College. 1826. 
New Jersey. 

New Jersey Abolition Society. 1809 (dissolved 1817). 

Trenton. 1812. 
New York. 

Abolition Society of New York. 1809, 1812. 

Colored Society. 181 2 

New York. 182 1. 

New York Abolition Society. 1812, 1821. 

New York Manumission Society. 1808, 181 7, 1818, 1823 1825, 1826, 
1827, 1828, 1829. 

Young Men's (Colonization?). 1825. 
North Carolina. 

Bellowes Creek, Stokes Co., 1825. 

General Association of North Carolina. 1828. 

Hillsboro. 1824. 

Ladies' Society, — Jamestown. 1826. 

Kennet. 1825, 1826. 
Springfield. 1826. 

Lane Crook Meeting House. 1824. 

Manumission Society of Guilford County. 1818, 182 1. 

Manumission Society of North Carolina. 1816, 181 7, 1818, 1819, 1823, 
1824, 1825, 1826, 1827, 1829, 1830, 1834. 

Near Yadkin River. 1826. 

Neighborhood of Hopewell. 1824. 

North Carolina. 1825. 

Orange County. 1824. 

Randolph County Association. 1826. 

South Fork Branch. 1826. 

Springfield, Guilford County. 1825. 

Surrey County. 1824. 

Trotter's Creek. 1825. 
Ohio. 

Abolition Society of Monroe County. 1826. 

Aiding Abolition Society of Monroe County. 1826. 

Aiding Abolition Society of Ohio. 1826. 

Belmont County, colored. 1827. 



266 Appendix B 

Ohio — {Continued) 

Cincinnati Female Society. 182 1. 

Columbiana Abolition Society. 1827. 

Columbiana, New Lisbon. 1826, 1827 

Humane Society of Ohio. 1818. 

Mt. Pleasant. 1815. 

Ohio. 1821, 1827. 

Ripley. ? 

Salem Abolition and Colonization Society of Columbiana County. 1827. 

Smithfield. 1827. 

Sunsbury Meeting House, Monroe County. 1826. 

West Union. 1818. 

Zanesville. 1826. 
Pennsylvania. 

Brownsville. 1826. 

Centerville. 1818, 1825, 1826. 

Chester County. 1820, 182 1, 1823. 

Columbia. 1818, 1821. 

Convention of Abolition Societies of Western Pa., 1826, 1827. 

Eastern Pa., 1828. 

Franklin. 1827. 

Harmony Abolition Society of Rostraver Township, Westmoreland 
County. 1827. 

Northhuntington Abolition Society, Westmoreland County. 1827. 

Pennsylvania Abolition Society. 1806, 1809, 1811, 1812, 1813, 1815, 1817, 
1818, 1820, 1821, 1822, 1823, 1824, 1825, 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829. 

Philadelphia. 1821. 

Philadelphia Free Produce. 1820, 1826, 1827, 1829. 

Philadelphia Free Produce, colored. 1830. 

Washington. 1825. 

West Chester. 182 1. 

West Middleton. 1826. 

Western Abolition Society of Washington. 1825, 1826. 

Western Pennsylvania. 1826, 1827. 

Western Pennsylvania Abolition Society. 1826. 

Western Pennsylvania Manumission Society. 1826. 
Rhode Island. 

Providence. 1806, 1821, 1823, 1825. 

Rhode Island Abolition Society. 1794, 1826. 
Tennessee. 

Bethsaida Branch. 1822. 

Humane Protection Society of Tennessee. 182 1, 1822, 1823. 

Jefferson. 1822. 

Manumission Society of Tennessee. 1814, 1816, 182 1, 1822, 1823, 1824, 
1825, 1826, 1828. 

Manumission Society of West Tennessee. 1824. 



Appendix B 267 

Tennessee — (Continued) 

Moral, Religious, Manumission Society of West Tennessee. 1824, 1826 

Nolachucky Branch. 1826. 

Tennessee. 1821. 
Virginia. 

Applepie Ridge, Frederick Co. 1827. 

Brucetown. 1827. 

Frederick. 1826. 

Gravelly Run. 1825. 

Loudon. 1823, 1825, 1826. 

Loudon Manumission and Emigration Society. 1823, 1824. 

Virginia Convention. 1827, 1828. 

Winchester. 1827. 

Note. These names have all been found in the publications of the times. 
It seems probable that many of the names are different renderings of the name 
of the same society. There is, however, no proof of that whatever, and as a 
consequence all the names have been inserted. 



APPENDIX C 



TABLE OF COURT CASES CITED 



Page 

Adelle vs. Beauregard, iSio 230 

Alexander, The, 1823 224 

Alice vs. Morte, 1824 233 

Arthur vs. Wells, 1818 245 

Battle vs. Miller, 1828 227 

Beard vs. Poydras, 181 2 230 

Betsey ads. Shannon, 1809 237 

Brown vs. Compton, 1821 232 
Burrough's Adm. vs. Negro 

Anna, 181 7 232 
Bush's Rep. vs. White and Wife, 

1825 228 

Butler et al. vs. Duvall, 1829 235 

Butt vs. Rachel et al. 230 

Case of Negro Tom, 1810 234 
Com. vs. Austin Montgomery, 

1812 225 

Com. vs. Dolly Chappie, 181 1 241 

Com. ex rel. Hall & Cook, 1822 228 

Com. vs. Hambright, 1818 228 

Com. vs. HoUoway, 1816 227 

Com. vs. Rich. Turner 242 

Com. vs. Robinson, 1822 228 
Com. vs. William Carver, 

1827 241, 243 

Conklin vs. Havens, 1815 238 

Davenport vs. The Com., 1829 224 

Davis vs. Baltzer, 1808 235 

Delphine vs. Deveze, 1824 238 
Denmark Vesey Insurrection 

Trial 245, 246 



Dubois vs. Allen, 1809 
Dunbar vs. Ball, 1821 
Dunn vs. Amey and others 



Page 

225 
227 
232 



Ex parte Simmons, 1823 228, 236 

Fanny vs. Bryant, 1830 238 

Fanny vs. Dejarnet's Adm. 232 

Ferguson vs. Sarah, 1830 233 

Field vs. The State, 1829 243 

Forsyth et al. vs. Nash 231 

Fox vs. Lambson 231 
Frank ads. Milam's Ex'r, 1809 237 

Fulton vs. Lewis, 1S15 225 

Fulton vs. Shaw, 1827 238 



Garretson vs. Lingan, 182 1 
Girod vs. Lewis, 1809 
Gobu vs. Gobu 
Griffith vs. Fanny, 1820 

Hall vs. Mullin, 1821 
Hamilton vs. Cragg, 1823 
Hammond vs. Hammond 
Harris vs. Alexander, 1830 
Hart vs. Fanny Ann, 1827 
Harvy and others vs. Decker & 

Hopkins, 1818 
Helm vs. Miller, 1820 
Henderson t'5. Negro Tom, 1817 
Hook vs. Nanny Pagee, 18 11 
Hughes vs. Negro Milly et al., 

1821 
Hunter vs. Fulcher, 1829 



226 
247 
230 

228 

232 
238 
232 
226 
238 

228 
225 
225 
230 

234 
226 



Appendix C 



269 



Isaac vs. West's Ex'r, 1828 238 

Jackson vs. Len^y, 1827 239 

John Merry vs. Chexnaider, 

1830 227 

John Merry vs. Tiffin & Men- 
ard, 1827 227 

Jordan vs. Sawyer 226 



Kettletas vs. Fleet, 181 1 



234 



Labranche vs. Watkins, 1816 236 

La Grange vs. Chouteau, 1828 229 

Lunsford vs. Coquillon, 1824 228 

Mary ads. Shannon, 1809 237 

Mary Clark, 1821 223 

Matilda vs. Mason et al, 1822 240 

Metayer vs. Metayer 231 

Meunier vs. Duperron, 1814 224 
Miller, Ex'r of Beard, vs. Negro 

Charles, 1829 234 

Miller vs. Dwilling, 1826 237 

Milly vs. Stephen Smith, 1828 229 

Minchin vs. Docker 247 

Nan et al. vs. Moxley et al. 235 

Negro Cato vs. Howard, 1808 234 

Oatfield vs. Waring, 181 7 231, 232 
Overseers of Marbletown vs. 

Overseers of Kingston, 1822 239 

Palfrey vs. Rivas, 1820 237 
Pepoon, guardian of Phebe, vs. 

Clarke, 1816 231 

Phoebe vs. Jay, 1828 223 

Pierce vs. Meyrick 245 
Pilie vs. Lalande et al., 

230, 232 
231 



1829 
Potts vs. Harper, 1813 



Quando vs. Clagett, 1830 233 

Queen vs. Hepburn, 1810 247 



Page 

Rankin vs. Lydia, 1820 228, 229 
Real Estate of Mrs. Hardcastle 

vs. Porcher, etc., 1826 248 
Rebecca et al. t;^. Pumphrey, 

1824 235 

Redding vs. Hall, etc., 1809 241 

Reeler vs. Robinson, 1820 226 

Remick vs. Chloe 230 
Rice ads. Spear & Galbraith, 

1823 233 

Richard vs. Van Meter, 1827 235 

Rodgers vs. Norton, 1823 248 

Sarah vs. Henry, 1808 235 

Sarah vs. Taylor, 1818 238 

Scott vs. Waugh, 1826 237 

Scott vs. Williams, 1828 230 

Simmins vs. Parker, 1826 232 

Simon et al. vs. Paine, 1830 237 

Spotts vs. Gillespie, 1828 227 
Sprigg vs. Negro Mary, 

1814 226, 247 

Sprigg vs. Negro Presley, 1814 226 

State vs. Cecil, 1812 230 

State vs. Hale, 1823 241 

State vs. Isaac Jones, 1820 243, 244 

State vs. Jim 240 

State vs. Lasselle, 1820 222 

State vs. Mann 242 

State vs. Reed, 1823 243 
State vs. Smith & Smith, 

1817 244 

State vs. Washington 240 
State vs. William H. Taylor, 

1822 244 

Stewart vs. Oakes, 1813 226 

Thompson vs. Wilmot, 1809 234 

Tom ads. Smith, 1809 237 

Ulzire vs. Poey Fane 230 

U. S. vs. Andrews, 1820 225 

U. S. vs. Brockett, 1823 242 

U. S. vs. Bruce, 1813 233 



270 

U. S. vs. Butler, 181 2 
U. S. vs. Douglass, 1813 
U. S. vs. Gray, 1829 
U. S. vs. La Coste, 1820 
U. S. vs. Malebran, 1820 
U. S. vs. Mullany, 1808 
U. S. vs. Neale, 182 1 
U. S. vs. Smith, 1809 
U. S. vs. The Kitty, 1808 



Appendix C 




Page 




Page 


241 


Vaughan vs. Phebe 


230 


247 


Vincent vs. James Duncan, 1830 


229 


241 






224 


'Wells vs. Lane, 1812 


231 


224 


Williams vs. Van Zandt, 1826 


226 


247 


Windsor vs. Hartford, 181 7 


238 


247 


Winny vs. Whitesides, 1824 


229 


224 


Witsell vs. Earnest & Parker, 




225 


1818 


245 



APPENDIX D 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The books named below are those which have proved of actual use in the 
investigations of which this monograph is the result. A very large number of 
other books were found named in many authorities, or in the catalogues or on 
the shelves of the libraries, which were read in the course of the investigation, 
which added nothing whatever to the knowledge in the hands of every reader 
of history. Many were too late, others too early. Others gave no real in- 
formation with respect to the period. 

There were quite a number of books and pamphlets which were not found 
by the writer, although diligent search was made. Some of these might not 
have been of any value to the purpose, could they have been found. . Others 
would certainly have been invaluable. All those which seemed to have a value 
for the investigator of this period are named in the last section of this bibli- 
ography. The writer would be very glad to learn of the whereabouts of any 
there named. 

A. BOOKS OF TRAVEL 

I. By Foreign Travelers 

Anon. "The Americans as they are; described in a Tour through the 
valley of the Mississippi. By the Author of 'Austria as it is.'" (London, 
1828.) 

Artwedson, C. D. "The United States and Canada in 1832, 1833, and 
1834." Two volumes. (London, 1834.) 

Bernhard, Duke of Saxe-Weimar Eisenach. "Travels through North 
America during the years 1825 and 1826." Two volumes. (Phila., 1828.) 

Blaine, William Newnham. "An Excursion through the United States 
and Canada during the years 1822-23. By an English Gentleman." (London, 
1824.) 

Ibid. "Travels through the United States and Canada." (London, 1828.) 
Identical with the preceding. 

Bristed, John. "The Resources of the United States of America." (New 
York, 1818.) 

Candler, Isaac. "A Summary View of America . . . being the result of 
Observations and Enquiries during a Journey in the United States-. By an 
Englishman." (London, 1824.) 

271 



272 Appendix D 

Duncan, John Morison. "Travels through part of the United States and 
Canada in 1818 and 1819." Two volumes. (Glasgow, 1823.) 

Faux, W. "Memorable Days in America; being a Journal of a Tour to 
the United States. (1818-1820.)" (London, 1823.) 

Fearon, Henry Bradshaw. "Sketches of America. A Narrative of a 
Journey of Five Thousand Miles through the Eastern and Western States of 
America." (London, 1818.) 

Finch, John, Esq. "Travels in the United States of America and Canada." 
(London, 1833.) 

Flint, James. "Letters from America." (London, 1822.) 

Hall, Capt. Basil. "Travels in North America, in the years 1827 and 
1828. By Capt. Basil Hall, Royal Navy." Thfee volumes. (Edinburgh, 
1829.) 

Hall, Lieut. Francis. "Travels in Canada and the United States in 
1816, 1817. By Lieut. Francis Hall, 14th Light Dragoons." (London, 1818; 
2d edition, 1819.) 

Hajviilton, Thomas. "Men and ISIanners in America. By the Author 
of 'Cyril Thornton,' etc." (Philadelphia, 1833.) 

Harris, William Tell. "Remarks made during a Tour through the 
United States of America in the years 181 7, 1818 and 1819." (London, 
1821.) 

Hodgson, Ad.am. "Letters from North America, written during a tour in 
the United States and Canada." Two volumes. (London, 1824.) 

HoLDiTCH, Robert. "The Emigrant's Guide to the United States of 
America. By Robert Holditch, Esq., of the Royal College of Surgeons." 
(London, 1818.) 

Holmes, Isaac "An Account of the United States of America, derived 
from actual Observation, during a Residence of Four Years in that Republic." 
(London, 1823.) 

Howitt, E. "Selections from Letters wTitten during a Tour through the 
United States, in the Summer of 1819." (Nottingham, 1820.) ■ 

Ingersoll, Charles Jared (?). "Inchiquin the Jesuit's Letters during 
a Late Residence in the United States of America; being a fragment of a 
private correspondence accidentally discovered in Europe." By some un- 
known foreigner. (New York, 1810.) 

Lambert, John. "Travels through . . . the United States of North 
America, in the years 1806, 1807, and 1808." Three volumes. (London, 
1810.) 

Melish, John. "Travels in the United States of America in the years 1806 
and 1807, and 1809, 1810 and 1811." Two volumes. (Philadelphia, 1S12.) 

MuRAT, Prince Achille. "Lettres sur les Etats Unis, par le Prince 
Achille Murat, fils de I'ex-roi de Naples, a un de ses amis d'Europe." (Paris, 
1830.) The first letter is dated July, 1826. 

Ibid. "America and the Americans." (New York, 1849.) This is an 
account of the same journey as the above, translated into English. If, how- 
ever, it is intended as a translation of the book above it is exceedingly free, 



Appendix D 273 

taking actual liberties with matter and order. It seems more probable that 
it is either the translation of a second book, giving a second account of the 
same journey, or a work written originally in English. 

Palmer, John. "Journal of Travels in the United States of North Amer- 
ica, etc., performed in the year 1817." (London, 1818.) 

Trollope, Mrs. Frances Milton. "Domestic Manners of the Amer- 
icans." (London, 1832. An edition was also printed in New York.) 

Welby, ADL.4.RD, EsQ. "A Visit to North America and the English Settle- 
ments in Illinois." (London, 1821.) 

Woods, John. "Two Years' Residence in the Settlement on the English 
Prairie, in the Illinois Country, United States." (London, 1822.) 



II. By Foreign Travelers, later Settling in the United States 

Amphlett, William. "The Emigrant's Directory to the Western States 
of North America." (London, 1819.) 

BiRKBECK, Morris. "Notes on a Journey in America from the Coast of 
Virginia to the Territory of the Illinois." (2d edition, London, 1818; ist 
probably earlier in the same year.) 

Ibid. "Letters from Illinois." (English edition, London, 1818; Amer- 
ican edition, Philadelphia, 1818.) 

Flower, Richard. "Letters from Lexington and the Illinois." (London, 
1819.) 

Wright, Frances. "Views of Society and Manners in America; in a 
series of letters written from that country to a friend in England during the 
years 1818, 1819 and 1820. By an Englishwoman." (English edition, not 
found; American edition, from the ist English edition, with corrections by 
the author. New York, 1821.) 



III. By Americans 

Brown, Samuel R. "The Western Gazetteer; or Emigrant's Directory." 
(Auburn, N. Y., 1817.) 

Cooper, James Fenimore. "Notions of the Americans: picked up by a 
TraveUing Bachelor." Two volumes. (London, 1828; Philadelphia, 1832.) 

Darby, William. "A Geographical Description of the State of Louisiana." 
(Philadelphia, 1816.) 

Dwight, Timothy. "Travels in New England and New York. (1796- 
1815.) By Timothy Dwight, S.T.D., LL.D. Late President of Yale Col- 
lege." (New Haven, 1821-1822.) Printed for the author. 

Evans, Estwick. "A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles through 
the Western States and Territories during the Winter and Spring of 181S." 
(Concord, N. H., 1819.) 

Knight, Henry C. "Letters from the South and West. By Arthur 
Singleton, Esq." (Boston, 1824.) 
is 



2 74 Appendix D 

Ogden, George W. "Letters from the West." (New Bedford, Mass., 
1823.) 

Paulding, James Kirke. "Letters from the South, written during an 
excursion in the summer of 1816. By the author of John Bull and Brother 
Jonathan, etc., etc." Two volumes. (New York, 181 7.) 

RoYALL, Anne. "Sketches of History, Life and Manners in the United 
States. By a Traveler." (New Haven, 1826.) The author lived principally 
in Washington, D. C, and Alabama. 

Stoddard, Amos. "Sketches, Historical and Descriptive, of Louisiana. 
By Major Amos Stoddard, Member of the U.S.M.P.S. and of the New York 
Historical Society." (Philadelphia, 1812.) 

Thomas, David. "Travels through the Western Country in the summer 
of 1816." (Auburn, N. Y., 1819.) 

B. BIOGRAPHY AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
I. Biography 

Appleton's "Cyclopedia of American Biography." (New York, 1888.) 

Adams, Henry. "John Randolph." American Statesmen Series. (Boston, 
1882.) 

Bates, Barnabas. "Remarks on the Character and exertions of Elias 
Hicks in the abolition of slavery, being an address delivered before the African 
Benevolent Societies, in Zion's Chapel, New York, March 15, 1830." (New 
York, 1830.) The societies were composed of colored men and women; Bates 
was a white man. 

BiRNEY, Judge William. "James G. Birney and His Times." (New 
York, 1890.) 

BouTELL, Lewis Henry. "Thomas Jefferson, the INIan of Letters." 
(Chicago, 1 89 1.) Privately printed. 

Bowen, Cl.^rence Winthrop, Ph.D. "Arthur and Lewis Tappan. A 
Paper read at the fiftieth anniversary of the New York City Anti-Slavery 
Society, at the Broadway Tabernacle, New York, Oct. 2, 1883." 

Child, Lydia Maria. "Isaac T. Hopper: A True Life." (Boston, 1853; 
also Cleveland, O.) 

Coffin, William. "Life and Times of Hon. Samuel Lockwood." (Chicago, 
1889.) 

Colton, Calvin. "The Life and Times of Henry Clay." Two volumes. 
(New York, 1846.) 

Curtis, George Ticknor. "Life of Daniel Webster." Two volumes. 
(New York, 1870.) 

Earl, Thomas. "The Life, Travels, and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy. 
Compiled under the direction of his Children." (Philadelphia, 1847.) This 
might almost be called an autobiography, so much is taken from Lundy's 
own writings and reminiscences. 

Edwards, Ninian W. "History of Illinois, 1 778-1833, and Life and Times 
of Ninian Edwards; by his Son." (Springfield, 111., 1870.) 



Appendix D 



■lb 



Garland, Hugh A. "Life of John Randolph of Roanoke " (N"e\v York 
1857-) 

Garrison, Francis J. and Wendell P. "WiUiam Lloyd Garrison, 1805- 

1879. The Story of his Life told by his Children." Four volumes. (Boston 
and New York, 1894.) 

GuRLEY, Ralph Randolph. "Life of Jehudi Ashmun, Late Colonial 
Agent in Liberia." (Washington, 1835.) 

Hallo WELL, A. D. " James and Lucretia Mott ; Life and Letters." (Bos- 
ton, 1884.) 

Hart, Albert Bushnell, Ph.D. "Salmon Portland Chase." American 
Statesmen Series. (Boston and New York, 1899.) 

Hunt, Freeman, A.M. "Lives of American Merchants." Two volumes. 
(New York, 1856.) 

Johnson, Oliver. "William Lloyd Garrison and His Times." (Boston, 

1880. New edition, revised and enlarged, Boston, 1881.) 

Morris, Benjamin F. "The Life of Thomas Morris, edited by his son." 
(Cincinnati, O., 1856.) 

Morse, John T. "John Quincy Adams." American Statesmen Series. 
(Boston, 1882.) 

Morse, John T. "Thomas Jefferson." American Statesmen Series. 
(Boston, 1883.) 

Parrish, Isaac. "Brief Memoir of Thomas Shipley and Edwin P. Atlee, 
read before the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, 
etc., loth Mo. 1837." (Philadelphia, 1838.) 

Parton, James. "Life of Thomas Jefferson." (Boston, 1878.) 

PiERsoN, Rev. Hamilton W., D.D. "Jefferson at Monticello." (New 
York, 1862.) 

Quincy, Josiah. "Memoirs of the Life of John Q. Adams." (Boston, 1858.) 

Randall, Henry S., LL.D. "The Life of Thomas Jefferson." Three 
volumes. (New York, 1858.) 

Rankin, Rev. A. T., D.D. "Truth Vindicated and Slander Repelled." 
(Ironton, O., 1883.) An account of Rev. John Rankin. The only copy seen 
is at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. 

Roosevelt, Theodore. "Life of Thomas H. Benton." American States- 
men Series. (Boston and New York, 1887.) 

Russell, J. G. "Life of Thomas Jefferson." Pamphlet. (Philadelphia, 
1844.) 

Sargent, Epes. "Life of Henry Clay." Edited by Horace Greeley. 

Sawyer, Lemuel. "A Biography of John Randolph of Roanoke." (New 
York, 1844.) 

ScHucKERS, J. W. "The Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland 
Chase. (New York, 1874.) 

ScHURZ, Carl. "Life of Henry Clay." Two volumes. (Boston, 1887.) 

Simpson, Henry. "The Lives of Eminent Philadelphians, now deceased. 
Collected from Original and authentic sources by Henry Simpson, member of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania." (Philadelphia, 1859.) 



276 Appendix D 

^ Tappan, Lewis. "Life of Arthur Tappan." (New York, 1870.) 

TucKERMAN, Bayard. "William Jay and the Constitutional Movement 
for the Abolition of Slavery." (New York, 1893.) 

Tyson, John S. "Life of Elisha Tyson, the Philanthropist. By a Citizen 
of Baltimore." (Baltimore, 1825.) 

Washburn, Elihu Benj.aion. "Sketch of Edward Coles, second Governor 
of Illinois, and of the Struggle of 1823-4. Prepared for the Chicago Historical, 
Society." (Chicago, 1882.) 

Wharton, T. L, Esq. "A Memoir of William Rawle, LL.D., President of 
the Historical Society, etc. Read at a meeting of the Council, held on the 
22d day of Feb., 1837." Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 



vol. iv., part i. 



II. Autobiography 



Adams, John Quincy. "Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, comprising 
portions of his Diary from 1 795-1848." Edited by Charles Francis Adams. 
Twelve volumes. (Philadelphia, 1875.) 
Y AsBURY, Bishop Francis. "The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury, 
Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from Aug. 7, 1781 to Dec. 7, 1815." 
Three volumes. (New York, 1821.) 

Benton, Thomas H. "Thirty Years' View. 1820-1850." (New York, 
1854.) This of course contains much besides the autobiography, but little 
that was of value to this work except Benton's own views, and extracts from 
his speeches. 
Ik Coffin, Levi. "Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed President of the 

U. G. R. R." (2d edition, Cincinnati, 1880.) 

CoMLY, John. "Journal of the Life and Religious Labors of John Comly." 
(Philadelphia, 1853.) 
V/ Douglass, Frederick. "Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, as 
an American Slave. Written by Himself." (Boston, 1845.) 

Drake, Capt. Richard. "Revelations of a Slave-smuggler." (1807-1857.) 
(i860.) 
I Flint, Timothy. "Recollections of the last Ten Years, a series of Letters 

to the Rev. Jos. Flint of Salem, Mass., by T. Flint, Principal of the Seminary 
of Rapide, La." (Boston, 1826.) 

Hicks, Elias. "Journal of the Life and Religious Labors of Elias Hicks. 
Written by himself." (5th edition, New York, 1832.) 

Reynolds, John. "My Own Times." (Illinois, 1879.) 

C. HISTORY 

I. GENER.4L Histories 

Framery, M.(?) "Recherches Statistiques sur la Pennsylvanie, etc. Ac- 
compagnies de quelques Remarques sur le Sol, le Commerce, sur les Manu- 
factures et sur le Gouvernement des Etats-Unis, sur les Moeurs des Americains, 



7 



Appendix D 277 

par M. Framery(?). Consul aux Etats-Unis." This is a manuscript in the 
possession of the Boston PubHc Library. 

HiLDRETH, Richard. "History of the United States of America." Si.x 
Volumes. (1855.) 

McMaster, John B. "History of the People of the United States." Five 
volumes. 

ScHOULER, James. "History of the United States under the Constitution." 
Six volumes. (Washington, 1880.) 

" Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1898. Prepared by the 
Bureau of Statistics." (Washington, 1899.) 

" Statistical View of the Population of the United States, A. 1790- 
1830." Published by the Department of State, 1835. 

Von Holst, Hermann, Ph.D. "The Constitutional and Political History 
of the United States of America." Seven volumes. (Chicago, 1877, etc.) 



II. State Histories 

1. Connecticut. 
Steiner, Dr. Bernard Christian. "History of Slavery in Connecticut." 

Johns Hopkins University Studies, 1893. 

2. District of Columbia. 

J Tremain, Mary, M.A. "Slavery in the District of Columbia." University 
of Nebraska Seminary Papers, Apr., 1892. 

3. Georgia. 

y Jones, Ch.\rles CoLCOCK, Jr. "History of Georgia." (Boston, 1883.) 

4. Illinois. 

Brown, Henry. "The History of Illinois, from its first Discovery and 
settlement, to the present time." (New York, 1844.) 

Brown, Hon. William H. ■ "An Historical Sketch of the Early Movement 
in Illinois for the Legalization of Slavery; read at the Annual Meeting of the 
Chicago Historical Society, Dec. 5, .1864." (Chicago,* 1865.) 

Flower, George. "History of the English Settlement in Edwards Co., 
Illinois." Chicago Historical Society Collections, vol. i, 1882. 

Ford, Gov. Thomas. "A History of Illinois, from its commencement as a 
state in 1818 to 1847." (Chicago, 1854.) 

Moses, John. "lUinois: Historical and Statistical." Two volumes. 
(Chicago, 1889.) 
V " Slavery in Illinois. 1818-1824." Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, vol. 10. 

5. Indiana. 

Dunn, Jacob Pratt, Jr. "Indiana: A Redemption from Slavery." 
American Commonwealth Series. (Boston, 1888.) 

Hinsdale, Burke A. "The Old Northwest." (New York, 1888.) 
SiHTH, William Henry. "History of the State of Indiana from the Earliest 
Explorations by the French to the Present Time." Two volumes. (Indian- 
apolis, 1897.) 



278 Appendix D 

Young, Andrew W. "History of Wayne County, Indiana." (Cincinnati, 
1872.) 

6. Kentucky. 

Collins, Lewis. "Historical Sketches of Kentucky." (Maysville, Ky., 
and Cincinnati, O., 1847.) 

Shaler, N. S. "Kentucky: A Pioneer Commonwealth." American 
Commonwealth Series. (Boston, 1885.) 

7. Maryland. 

Brackett, Jeffrey R., Pk.D. "The Negro in Maryland." Johns Hop- 
kins Studies. (Baltimore, 1889.) 

8. Massachusetts. 

Bearse, Austin. "Reminiscences of Fugitive Slave Days in Boston." 
(Boston, 1880.) 
g. Ohio. 

"History of Washington County, Ohio." (Cleveland, 1881.) 

Howe, Henry. "Historical Collections of Ohio." Two volumes. (Co- 
lumbus, 1889.) 

Smith, William Henry. "The First Fugitive Slave Case in Ohio." (1893.) 

10. Pennsylvania. 

Settle, Edward. "Notices of Negro Slavery, as connected with Penn- 
sylvania. Read before the Historical Society of Penn., 8th Mo., 7th, 1826." 
Memoirs of Hist. Soc. of Penn. 

Smedley, R. C, M.D. "History of the Underground Railroad in Chester 
and the Neighboring Counties of Pennsylvania." (Lancaster, Pa., 1883.) 

11. South Carolina. 

Houston, David Franklin, A.M. "A Critical Study of Nullification in 
South Carolina." Harvard Historical Studies, vol. 3. (1896.) 

III. Church Histories 

Y Bangs, Nathan, D.D. "A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church." 
Four volumes. (3d- edition. New York, 1845.) 

Benedict, David, A.M. "A General History of the Baptist Denomination 
in America and in other parts of the World." (Boston, 1813.) 
DAvaosoN, Rev. Robert, D.D. "History of the Presbyterian Church in 
^ the State of Kentucky; with a preliminary Sketch of the Churches in the 
Valley of Virginia." (New York, Pittsburg, Lexington, Ky., 1847.) 

rV. General Histories of Slavery 

Burleigh, Charles C. "Slavery and the North." Anti-slavery Tracts, 

No. 10. 
Clarke, James Freeman. "Anti-Slavery Days." (New York, 1884.) 
Cobb, T. R. "Historical Sketch of Slavery." (Philadelphia and Savannah, 

1858.) Also bound with his book on the law of slavery, q. v. 



Appendix D 279 

Drew, Benjamin. "The Refugee: or the Narratives of the Fugitive Slaves 
in Canada." (Boston, Cleveland, O., and London, 1856.) 

Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt. "The Suppression of the 
African Slave Trade to the United States of America, 1638-1870." Harvard 
Historical Studies, 1896. 

GooDELL, William. "Slavery and Anti-Slavery." (3d edition. New York, 

1855-) 
Greeley, Horace. "The American Conflict." (Hartford, 1864.) 

Locke, Mary S. "Anti-Slavery in America, 1619-1808." Radcliffe Mon- 
ographs, No. II, 1 901. 

May, Samuel J. "Some Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict." 
(Boston, 1869.) 

McDouGALL, Marion Gleason. "Fugitive Slaves, 1619-1865." Fay 
House Monographs, No. 3, 1891. 

Needles, Edward. "An Historical Memoir of the Pennsylvania Society 
for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, etc." (Philadelphia, 1848.) 

SiEBERT, Wilbur H. "The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Free- 
dom." (New York, 1898.) 

Smith, Theodore Clarke, Ph.D. "The Liberty and Free Soil Parties in 
the Northwest." (New York, 1897.) 

Still's "Underground Railroad Records. Revised edition." (Philadel- 
phia, 1883.) 

Weeks, Stephen B., Ph.D. "Southern Quakers and Slavery." Johns 
Hopkins Studies, 1896. 

Willey, Rev. Austin. 'The History of the Anti-Slavery Cause in the 
State and Nation " (Portland, Me., 1886.) 

Williams, Rev. George W. "The American Negro from 1776 to 1876." 
Oration delivered July 4, 1876, at Avondale, Ohio. (Cincinnati, O., 1876.) 

Williams, Rev. George W. "History of the Negro Race in America, 
from 1619 to 1880." (New York, 1883.) 

Wilson, Hon. Henry. "History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power 
in America " Three volumes. 

WooDBUPN, James Albert. "The Historical Significance of the Missouri 
Compromise." Amer. Hist. Soc. Publications, 1893. 

Yates, William. "Rights of Colored Men to Suffrage, Citizenship, and 
Trial by Jury." (Philadelphia, 1838.) This contains a good many facts, 
extracts from speeches, etc., belonging to the earlier period. 

D. BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS PUBLISHED, 1808-1831 

Allen, Rev. John, A.M. "An Essay on the Policy of Appropriations being 
made by the government of the United States, for purchasing, liberating and 
colonizing without the territory of the said states, the slaves thereof: in num- 
bers, some of which have been published in the Baltimore American, and the 
whole of them in the Genius of Universal Emancipation. By a citizen of 
Maryland." (Baltimore, 1826.) The Essays are signed "Sidney." 



28o Appendix D 

American Convention. "Constitution of the American Convention, etc., 
adopted on the nth day of Dec, 1818, to take effect on the 5th day of Oct., 
1819." Pamphlet. (Philadelphia, 1819.) 

American Convention. "Address to the Clergy and pastors throughout 
the United States." Pamphlet. (Philadelphia, 1826.) 

American Convention. " Address of, etc., to the Citizens of the United 
States." Pamphlet. (Baltimore, 1828.) 

Bingham, Caleb, A.M. "The Columbian Orator." (Boston, 1814.) This 
contains a dialogue used later by Fred. Douglass. 

BiRKBECK, Morris. "An Appeal to the People of Illinois on the Question 
of a Convention, 1823." Signed by the Minority of the Legislature. 

Boston. "A Memorial to the Congress of the United States on the subject 
of restraining the increase of slavery in new states, etc. 1819." 

Bourne, George. "The Book and Slavery Irreconcileable." (Phila- 
delphia, 1816.) The only copy found is in the New York State Library. 

Bourne, George. "Picture of Slavery in the United States." (Boston, 
1818.) This contains many quotations from his earlier book. 

Branagan, Thomas. "Rights of God, written for the Benefit of Man; or 
the impartiality of Jehovah vindicated." (New edition, Philadelphia, 1812.) 

Brutus. See Robert James Turnbull. 

Carey, Matthew. "A Calm Address to the People of the Eastern States 
on the Subject of the Representation of Slaves ; the representation in the Senate ; 
and the hostility to Commerce ascribed to the Southern States." (Boston, 
1814.) 

Carey, Matthew. "Miscellaneous Essays." Collected 1830. 

"Caveat, A.; or Considerations against the admission of Missouri, with 
slavery into the Union." (New Haven, 1820.) 

Chandler, Elizabeth Margaret. "Poems and Essays by E. M. C." 
Published by Lundy, who wrote an introduction in the form of a memoir. 

Chillicothe, Ohio, Presbytery of. " Two letters on the subject of slavery, 
from the presbytery of Chillicothe to the Churches under their care." (Cincin- 
nati, O., 1830.) Gilliland and Crothers prepared them, and Gilliland signed 
them first. 

Clark, John. "Considerations on the Purity of the Principles of William 
H. Crawford, Esq., etc. To which is added some remarks upon the intro- 
duction of Africans into this state, contrary to the laws of the United States, 
with suggestions as to the probable concern of the Indian agent with one of 
higher standing in that business." (New York, 1823.) 

Clay, Henry. "Speech before the American Colonization Society, 1827." 

Cl.^y, Henry. " An Address delivered before the Colonization Society of 
Kentucky, Dec. 17, 1829." (Lexington, Ky., 1829.) 

Coleman, Elihu. "A Testimony against that antichristian practice of 
making slaves of men, wherein it is shewed to be contrary to the dispensation 
of the law and time of the gospel, and very opposite both to grace and nature. 
Printed in the year 1733 and reprinted in New Bedford, Mass., in 1825." 

Colonization Society, American. "Address of the Board of ISIanagers 



Appendix D 281 

... to the Auxiliary Societies and to the People of the United States." 
(Washington, 1820.) 

Colonization Society, American. "Correspondence relative to the emi- 
gration to Hayti of the Free People of Colour, in the United States." (New 
York, 1824.) 

Colonization Society. "A Few Facts respecting the American Coloniza- 
tion Society and the Colony at Liberia." (Washington, 1830.) 

Colonization. "Report made at an adjourned meeting of the friends of 
the American Colonization Society in Worcester County. Held at Worcester, 
Mass., Dec. 8, 1830." (Worcester, 1831.) 

Colonization. "Sparks, Jared. Extracts from an article in the North 
American Review for January, 1824." Pamphlet. (Princeton, 1824.) 

"Crisis, No. i, The; or Thoughts on Slavery occasioned by the Missouri 
Question." (New Haven, 1820.) 

"Crisis, No. 2, The; or Thoughts on Slavery occasioned by the Missouri 
Question." (New Haven, 1820.) 

Darlington, William. "Desultory Remarks on the Question of Extend- 
ing Slavery into Missouri: as enunciated during the first session of the 
sixteenth Congress by the representatives from Chester County, State of Penn- 
sylvania. Extracted from the American Republican Newspaper of 1819- 
1820." (West Chester, Pa., 1856.) Pamphlet. 

District of Columbia. "ISIemorial of the inhabitants of the District of 
Columbia, praying for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery in the District of 
Columbia." March 24, 1828. Printed as House Document. 20th Congress, 
ist Session, Doc. No. 215. Ho. of Rep. 

Duncan, James. "A Treatise on Slavery. In which is shown forth the 
evil of slaveholding both from the light of nature and divine revelation." 
(Vevay, Ind., 1824. Reprinted or reissued in 1840, at New York.) 

DuPRE, Lewis. "An Admonitory Picture, and a Solemn Warning princi- 
pally addressed to professing Christians in the Southern States of North 
America. Being an Introduction and pressing invitation to the establishment 
of a system of progressive emancipation. Printed for the author. Charles- 
ton Neck, Apr. 16, 1810." 

DuPRE, Lewis. "A Rational and Benevolent Plan for averting some of the 
calamitous consequences of slavery, being a Practicable, Seasonable, and Pro- 
fitable Institution for the Progressive emancipation of Virginia and Carolina 
Slaves. Printed for the Author, 1810." 

"Emancipating the slaves of the United States of North America, An at- 
tempt to demonstrate the practicability of, and of removing them from the 
country, without impairing the right of private property, or subjecting the 
nation to a tax. By a New England Man." Pamphlet. (New York, 1825.) 

FoRTEN, James. " Letters from a Man of Colour on a Late Bill before 
the Senate of Pennsylvania." Pamphlet. Four Letters. (1813.) 

Fowler, George. "The Wandering Philanthropist; or Letters from a 
Chinese, written during his residence in the United States. Discovered and 
edited by George Fowler of Virginia." (Philadelphia, 1810.) 



282 Appendix D 

FuRMAN, Rev. Dr. Richard. "Exposition of the Views of the Baptists 
relative to the Coloured Population in the United States, in a communication 
to the governor of South Carolina." (ist edition, Dec. 1822; 2d, 1833.) He 
believed in the righteousness of slavery, but not of cruelty to slaves. 

Giles, William B. "Political Miscellanies." (Virginia, 1830.) 

Gloucester, Jeremiah. "An Oration delivered on January i, 1823, in 
Bethel Church: on the Abolition of the Slave Trade, by Jeremiah Gloucester, 
'a person of Colour.'" (Philadelphia, 1823.) 

Gray, Thomas. "A Sermon delivered in Boston before the African Society 
on the 14th day of July, 1818; the Anniversary of the Abolition of the Slave 
Trade. By Thomas Gray, A. M., Minister of the Church of Christ on Jamaica 
Plain, Roxbury. Published by request of the society." (Boston, 1818.) 

HA\nLTON. Pseudonym' of Matthew Carey. Essays published in his col- 
lection of "Miscellaneous Essays." 

Harris, Thaddeus Mason. "Discourse delivered before the African 
Society in Boston, the 15th of July, 1822, on the Anniversary of the Abolition 
of the Slave Trade." (Boston, 1822.) He was probably a white man. 

Hieronymus. See Palmer, Dr. 

"HUM.A.NITAS. A new and interesting view of slavery." (Baltimore, 1820.) 

Illinois. "Remarks addressed to the Citizens of Illinois, on the Proposed 
Introduction of Slavery." 

Illinois. "An Impartial Appeal to the Reason, Justice and Patriotism of 
the people of Illinois on the Injurious Effects of Slave Labour." (Philadelphia; 
reprinted 1824.) 

"Illinois, Appeal to the People of." See Birkbeck. 

Jay, William. "Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery." (Boston, Cleveland, 
London, 1853.) 

Jefferson, Thomas. "Works, edited by T. J. Randolph." Four volumes. 
(Boston, 1830.) 

Jefferson, Thomas. "Letter to Edward Coles on the slavery question, 
Aug., 1814." Bound as a separate pamphlet, and only three copies printed. 
One is in the Harvard Library. It came originally from the National Intel- 
ligencer. 

Jones, Absalom. "A Thanksgiving Sermon, preached January i, 1808, in 
St. Thomas's, of the African Episcopal, Church, Philadelphia: on account of 
the abolition of the African Slave Trade on that day, by the Congress of 
the United States. By Absalom Jones, rector of the said church. Philadelphia: 
printed for the use of the congregation, 1808." 

Kennedy, John H. 'Sympathy, its foundation and legitimate exercise 
considered, in special relation to Africa: a discourse delivered on the Fourth 
of July, 1828, in the sixth Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia." 

Kenrick, John. "Horrors of Slavery. In Two Parts. Part I. Contain- 
ing Observations, Facts and Arguments, extracted from the speeches of Wil- 
berforce, Grenville, Pitt, Burke, Fox, Martin, Whitbread, and other dis- 
tinguished members of the British Parliament. Part II. Containing extracts, 
chiefly American, compiled from authentic sources ; demonstrating that slavery 



Appendix D 283 

is impolitic, anti-republican, unchristian, and highly criminal ; and proposing 
measures for its complete abolition through the United States." (Cambridge, 

1817-) 

KiNGSLEY, Z. "A Treatise on the patriarchal, or co-operative system of 
society as it exists in some governments, and colonies in America, and in the 
United States, under the name of Slavery, with its necessity and advantages. 
By an inhabitant of Florida." (ist edition, 1829; 2d, edition, 1833.) Not 
anti-slavery, but anti-cruelty. 

Learned, Joseph D., Esq. "A View of the Policy of Permitting Slaves in 
the States West of the Mississippi, being a Letter from a Member of Congress." 
(Baltimore, 1820.) 

Lewis, Evan. "An Address to Christians of all Denominations, on the 
Inconsistency of Admitting Slaveholders to Communion and Church Member- 
ship." (Philadelphia, 1831.) 

Marcus. Pseudonym. "An Examination of the Expediency and Constitu- 
tionality of Prohibiting Slavery in the State of Missouri." (New York, 
1819.). 

Miner, Charles. "Extract from a speech in the House of Representa- 
tives (U. S.) in 1829 on Slavery and the Slave Trade." (Philadelphia, 1829). 
Missouri. "Free Remarks on the Spirit of the Federal Constitution; the 
Practice of the Federal Government, Respecting the Exclusion of Slavery from 
the Territories and New States. By a Philadelphian." (Philadelphia, 1819.) 
"National Dangers and Means of Escape." Anonymous pamphlet, about 
1820. 

Osborne, Adlai Lawrence. "Fragment found at Salisbury C. H., N. C." 
Now in the possession of Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D. Written about 1830. 

Palmer, Dr. (?) "Essays on Slavery; republished from the Boston Re- 
corder and Telegraph for 1825." The essays were by four authors: A Car- 
olinian, Hieronymus, Philo, and Vigornius. Pub. as a separate pamphlet, 
Amherst, Mass., 1826. 

Palmer, William Pitt. "Poem Spoken July 4, 1828, before the anti-slavery 
Society of Williams College." (Williamstown, 1828.) 

Parrott, Russell. "An Address, on the Abolition of the Slave Trade, 
delivered before the different African Benevolent Societies, on the ist of Jan- 
uary, 1816. And Published at their Particular Bequest. By Russell Parrott, 
Member of the Benezet Benevolent Society (colored)." (Philadelphia, 1816.) 
Paxton, John D. "Letters on Slavery Addressed to the Cumberland Con- 
gregation, Virginia, by John D. Paxton, their former Pastor." (Kentucky, 
1833.) These were written considerably earlier. 

Peabody, William B. O. "An Address delivered at Springfield, before the 
Hampden Colonization Society, July 4th, 1828." (Springfield, 1828.) 

"Pennsylvania, Memoirs of the Historical Society of." (Philadelphia, 
1826.) 

Ibid. "Being a Replica." (Philadelphia.) The later edition contains a 
good number of notes regarding the deceased members, of value in this study. 
Vol. I contains a note on William Rawle. 



284 Appendix D 

Pennsylvania Abolition Society. "Address from the Pennsylvania 
Society for Promoting the AboHtion of Slavery, etc., on the Origin, Purposes 
and Utihty of their Institution." (Philadelphia, 1819.) 

PiNCKNEY, Thomas ( ?). " Reflections, Occasioned by the late Disturbances 
in Charleston. By Achates." (Charleston, 1822.) 

Plumer, William. "Speech on the Missouri Question delivered in Con- 
gress. House of Representatives, Feb. 21, 1820." (New Hampshire, 1820.) 
Plumer was a representative from New Hampshire. 

"Pocahontas; A Proclamation: with Plates." (Conn., 1820.) 

Providence. "A Short History of the African Union Meeting and School- 
house, erected in Providence (R. I.), in the years 1819, '20, '21; with rules 
for its future Government. Published by particular request." (Providence, 
1821.) 

Rankin, Rev. John. "Letters on American Slavery, addressed to Mr. 
Thomas Rankin, Merchant at Middlebrook, Augusta County, Virginia. By 
John Rankin, Pastor of the Presbyterian Churches of Ripley and Strait Creek, 
Brown Co., Ohio." (2d edition, Newburyport, 1836.) 

Raymond, D.-ysriEL. "Thoughts on Political Economy. In two parts. By 
Daniel Raymond, Counsellor at Law." (Baltimore, 1820.) 

Raymond, Daniel. "The Elements of Political Economy. In Two Parts. 
By Daniel Raymond, Counsellor at Law. Second edition." Two volumes. 
(Baltimore, 1823.) 

Raymond, Daniel. "The Missouri Question." (Baltimore, 1819.) 

Rice, Rev. David. "A Kentucky Protest against Slavery. Slavery incon- 
sistent with Justice and good Policy, proved by a Speech delivered in the Con- 
vention, held at Danville, Kentucky, by the Rev. David Rice." (Reprint 1S62.) 
The address was delivered in 1792; and reprinted once in 1812. The title is 
that of the reprint of 1862. 

Saunders, Prince. "A Memoir presented to the American Convention for 
promoting the Abolition of Slavery, etc., December nth, 1818; etc." (Phila- 
delphia, 1818.) This gives a good account of the condition of Hayti at this 
time, and plans for emigration there. 

Sergeant, John. "Speech on the Missouri Question in the House of Rep- 
resentatives of the U. States." Pamphlet. (1820.) 

Sewall, Samuel E. "On Slavery in the United States." Pamphlet reprint 
of articles in the Christian Examiner, vol. 4. 

Slave Trade. "A View of the Present State of the Slave Trade. Pub- 
lished by direction of a meeting representing the Religious Society of Friends 
in Pennsylvania, New- Jersey, etc." (Philadelphia, 1824.) 

"Slave Trade, Information concerning the Present State of the." (1824.) 

"Slavery, A Treatise on. By an unknown Author, of Virginia." The 
date is not given, but it is after the independence of San Domingo, and appar- 
ently before the independence of the Greeks. 

South Carolinian. "Practical Considerations founded on the Scriptures, 
relative to the Slave Population of South Carolina. Respectfully dedicated 
to 'The South-Carolina Association.'" (Charleston, 1823.) He believes that 



Appendix D 285 

slavery is not forbidden by the Bible, but that the slaves should receive religious 
instruction. 

"Spirit of Slavery." Two letters from the Presbytery of Chillicothe, q. v. 

Stewart, Alvan. "Writings and Speeches of Alvan Stewart. Edited by 
Luther Rawson Marsh." (New York, i860.) 

Story, Jitdge Joseph. "A Charge delivered to the Grand Jury of the Cir- 
cuit Court of the United States, at its first session in Portland, for the Judicial 
Circuit of Maine, May 8, 1820, and Published at the Unanimous request of the 
Grand Jury and of the Bar." Pamphlet. (Portland, 1820.) 

SwAiM, William. "An Address to the People of North Carolina, on the 
E^^ls of Slavery. By the Friends of Liberty and Equality. William Swaim, 
Printer." (Greensborough, N. C, 1830.) This was from the Manumission 
Society, but written by Swaim. The copy seen was the facsimile of the old 
edition, reprinted in i860, or thereabouts. Pamphlet. 

Tallmadge, James. "Speech in the House of Representatives on the Mis- 
souri Question." (New York, 1819.) He was a representative from New York. 
Pamphlet. 

Taney, Roger B. Defence of Rev. Jacob Gruber. In "Views of American 
Slavery Taken a Century Ago." Appendix, q. v. 

Taylor, Col. John. "Arator: being a series of Agricultural Essays, 
practical and political: in sixty-one numbers. Second edition. Revised and 
enlarged. By John Taylor of Caroline County, Virginia." (Georgetown, 
Columbia, 1814.) 

Torrey, Jesse. "A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery, in the United States: 
with Reflections on the Practicability of restoring the Moral Rights of the Slave 
without impairing the Legal Privileges of the Possessor; and a Project of a 
Colonial Asylum for Free Persons of Colour: etc. By Jesse Torrey, Jun. 
Physician. Published by the author." (Philadelphia, 1817.) 

TuRNBULL, Robert James. "The Crisis: or Essays on the Usurpations of 
the Federal Government. By Brutus." (Charleston, 1827.) 

Wainwright, J. M. "A Discourse, on the Occasion of forming the African 
Mission School Society, delivered in Christ Church, in Hartford, Connecticut, 
on Sunday Evening, Aug. 10, 1828. By Rev. J. M. Wainwright, D.D., Rector 
of Grace Church, New York. Published at the request of the Directors of the 
Society." (Hartford, 1828.) This advocates colonization. The object of the 
society was to send missionaries to Africa. 

Walker, DA\aD. "Walker's Appeal, in Four Articles, together with a 
preamble, to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in particular and very 
expressly to those of the United States of America. Written in Boston, State of 
Massachusetts, September 28, 1829." (2d edition, 1830.) Other editions 
followed. Walker was a colored man. See account of this in text, pp. 93-95. 

Wheaton, Josephus, a. M. "The Equality of Mankind and the Evils of 
Slavery, Illustrated: A Sermon, delivered on the day of the Annual Fast, 
April 6, 1820. By Josephus Wheaton, A. M., Pastor of the church in Holliston 
(Mass.). Published by Request." (Boston, 1820.) 

WooLMAN, John. "Considerations on Slavery, addressed to the Professors 



286 Appendix D 

of Christianity of every denomination, and affectionately recommended to their 
sober, unprejudiced attention, by John Woolman." (An edition pubhshed in 
Baltimore in 1821, "about 70 years" after the original.) 



E. NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS 
I. Anti-Slavery Periodicals. 1808-1831 

" African Observer, The. Edited by Enoch Lewis, No. 21 Powell Street, 
Philadelphia. To be continued monthly. Price Two Dollars per annum, pay- 
able in advance. No. i. Vol. i. Fourth Month, 1827." 

" Freedom's Journal. Devoted to the improvement of the colored popula- 
tion. By John Russwurm. New York." The date of the first number is not 
found. That for April 4, 1828, was vol. 2, No. 2. It was also published in 
1829, the number for March of that year being the latest found. 

" Genius of Liberty. Union, Pa. 1821." 

" Genius of Universal Emancipation, The. Containing Original Essays 
and Selections on the Subject of African Slavery. Benjamin Lundy, Editor." 
Vol. I. 1821. For an account of this see text, pp. 26, 45-47. A complete set 
with the exception of vols. 3 and 9 is in the Boston Public Library; vol.. 3 is 
at Oberlin University; and vol. 9 at Johns Hopkins University. Other libraries 
have single volumes. 

" Philanthropist, The. Mt. Pleasant, Ohio." 1817-1819. Two volumes 
of this are at Johns Hopkins University. 

II. Miscellaneous, i 808-1 831 

" Alexandria Gazette." 

" American Republican." Quoted in Darlington on the Missouri Ques- 
tion, q. V. 

" Christian Examiner and General Review. (Boston and London.)" 
Bi-monthly Quotations on Colonization from vol. 13. 

" Christian Observer, The, conducted by Members of the Established 
Church. (London.)" Article in vol. 23 (1823), on Slavery in the United States.. 

" Christian Spectator, conducted by an Association of Gentlemen. (New 
Haven.) Monthly." References to Colonization in vols. 5, n. s. 2 ; and on 
Slavery in vol. 7. 

" Illinois Gazette, Shawneetown, Illinois." Number for March 2, 1822. 

" Indiana G.^zette, Corydon, Indiana." 

"Journal of the Times; Bennington, Vt.," 1818, 1819. Edited by 
Garrison. 

" National Philanthropist. Boston." 1826-1827. 

" National Register, The. Washington, D. C." Published by Joel K. 
Mead, 1816, 181 7. 

" New England Weekly Review. Hartford, Conn." 1829-1832. Edited 
by George D. Prentice and then by John G. Whittier. 



Appendix D 287 

" NiLEs' Weekly Register. Edited by Hezekiah Niles, Baltimore, Md." 
This was published during the whole of the period, and beyond it, and is most 
invaluable. 

" North American Review, Vol. 18 (1824), and Vol. 35 (1832). (Bos- 
ton.)" The references are to Colonization. 

" Register of Pennsylvania, The. Samuel Hazard, Editor." 1828- 
1836. 

" Southern Review, The. Charleston, S. C." Vol. i. 1828. Colonization. 

" Washington Gazette." 1818-1822, etc 

III. Newspapers and Periodicals aeter 1831 

" Abolitionist, The, or Record of the New England Anti-Slavery Society. 
Edited by a committee." First number Jan., 1833. Some account of earlier. 

" American Jurist." 1829-1843. Reference to vol. 7. 

" Liberator, The." Edited by William Lloyd Garrison. First number 
1831. 

" Liberia. The Bulletins of the American Colonization Society." Refer- 
ence to No. 15, Nov., 1899; and No. 16, Feb. 1900. 

IV. Magazine Articles 

Colonization. Relation of Colonization and Abolition. Four articles. 
" Spirit of the Pilgrims," vol. 6, pp. 322, 396, 539, 569. 

Colonization, Article on. '' National Register." Jan. 11, 1817, p. 17. 

Colonization, African, Review of articles on. " Christian Quarterly Re- 
view," 1830. 

Colonization. Report of the first meeting of the Massachusetts Coloniza- 
tion Society. The constitution pledged the members to aid the slaves by sup- 
porting the society, or in any other way. " Niles' Register," 23. 39. Quoted 
from the " Boston Advertiser." 

Colonization. Report of the Committee of the U. S. House of Represen- 
tatives, to whom was referred the memorial of the American Colonization 
Society in 1818. " Niles' Register," vol. 15, supplement, p. 42. 

Colonization. Reports of the meetings of the American Colonization 
Society. " National Register," Jan. 4, 1817; " Niles' Register," vol. 15, supple- 
ment, p. 44. 

Colonization. Review of the Reports of the Meetings of the American 
Colonization Society, 1818-1825. " American Monthly Spectator," 5. 485, 

540- 
Colonization Society. Address to the Public, 1819. " Niles' Register," 

16. 165, 233. 

District of Columbia. Extract from the speech of Charles Miner in the 
House of Representatives, on Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District in 
1829. " American Quarterly Review," 14. 54. 

Fugitive Slaves. "National Register," Feb. 22, 1817, p. 122; "Free- 
dom's Journal," 1828-1829, p. 325. 



288 Appendix D 

Illinois. Appeal to the People of Illinois. " Monthly Review," 103. 171. 

Indiana. Memorial for permission to form a state, 1815. " Niles' Regis- 
ter," 9. 352. 

Johnson, Oliver. Charles Osborn's Place in Anti-Slavery History. " In- 
ternational Review " for Sept., 1882. 

Julian, George W. The Genesis of Modern Abolitionism. " Inter- 
national Review," June, 1882. 

Julian, George W. The Truth of Anti-Slavery History. Ibid. Nov. 18S2. 

Maryland. Valuation of lands, dwelling houses and slaves by counties. 
" Niles' Register," 10. 103. (1816.) 

Population, Comparative Tables of. " Niles' Register," i. 264, 308, 
358, 388; 9. 238. 

Presbyterian General Assembly, 181S, on the subject of slavery. " Niles' 
Register," vol. 16. supplement, 153. 

Slaves. Restoration of slaves by the British, 1815. " Niles' Register," 
vol. 8. supplement, 155. 

Slave Trade. Documents presented to the House of Commons. Includes 
those involving the United States. " Niles' Register," 8. 302; 9. 78; 9. 172. 

South Carolina. Act to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any other 
state. " National Register," vol. 3, No. 2, p. 32. 

Underground Railroad. Address by Hon. John Hutchins before INIahon- 
ing County Pioneer Society. " Mag. of Western Hist.," 5. 672. This is the 
number for March, 1887; the address was "some years earlier," no date given. 

Underground Railroad, Light on the. Wilbur H. Siebert. " American 
Historical Magazine," April, 1896. 

There were of course many more articles in Niles' Register than are named 
in this list. The aim was to give here the names of articles in that publication 
which were not quoted in the text of this work, but which were of interest to 
the reader and investigator of this subject. The whole work is of importance, 
and was named earlier in the bibliography. 



F. REPORTS 
I. Reports of the American Convention, 1808-1831 

" Minutes of the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of 
Slavery and improving the Condition of the African Race. For 1809." (In the 
libraries of the New York Historical Society; Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania; Rhode Island Historical Society; and American Antiquarian Society, 
Worcester, Mass.) 

Ibid, for 1812. (In the libraries of Brown University; Cornell University; 
the New York Historical Society; the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; and 
the Rhode Island Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 18 15, adjourned to 1816. (Brown University; New York Historical 
Society.) 



Appendix D 289 

Ibid, for 181 7. (Brown University; Congregational Library, Boston; 
Pennsylvania Historical Society; and Rhode Island Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 1818. (Boston Athenaeum; Cornell University; Boston Public 
Library; Massachusetts Historical Society; New York Historical Society; 
Pennsylvania Historical Society; Library Company of Philadelphia, Ridgway 
Branch.) 

Ibid, for 1819. (Brown University; Cornell University; Pennsylvania His- 
torical Society; Rhode Island Historical Society; American Antiquarian 
Society, Worcester.) 

Ibid, for 1821. (Brown University; New York Historical Society ; Pennsyl- 
vania Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 1823. (Brown University; New York Historical Society; Penn- 
sylvania Historical Society; Rhode Island Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 1825. (Brown University; Cornell University; Library of Con- 
gress; Johns Hopkins University; Rhode Island Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 1826, adjourned session. (Brown University; Pennsylvania His- 
torical Society; Rhode Island Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 1827. (Brown University; Cornell University; Johns Hopkins 
University; Pennsylvania Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 1828, adjourned session. (Cornell University; Johns Plopkins 
University; New York Historical Society.) 

Ibid, for 1829. (Library of Congress; Harvard University; New York 
Historical Society.) 

II. Reports of Anti-Slavery Societies, 1808-1831 
Report of the National Anti-Slavery Tract Society, 1816. 

III. Reports of later Anti-Slavery Societies. (Valuable here for names 
of those active in both periods.) 

Annual Reports of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 1833-end. 
Annual Reports of the Massachusetts (or New England) Anti-Slavery 
Society, 1831-end. 

Reports of the National Anti-Slavery Conventions, 1833-end. 

IV. Reports of Colonization Societies 

Baltimore. " Proceedings of a meeting of the Friends of African Coloni- 
zation, held in the City of Baltimore on the 17 October, 1827." (Pamphlet, 
signed copy in the Harvard Library.) 

New Jersey. Proceedings of the Second Annual Meeting of the New Jersey 
Colonization Society. Held at Princeton, N. J., July 10, 1826. (Princeton 
Press, 1826.) 

Reports of the American Colonization Society, 1818-1832. 

19 



290 Appendix D 



V. Reports of Conventions of People of Color 

" Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People 
of Color. Held by Adjournment in the City of Philadelphia, from the sixth 
to the eleventh of June, inclusive, 1831." (Philadelphia, 1831.) 

" Minutes and Proceedings of the Second Annual Convention, for the 
Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held by 
Adjournments in the City of Philadelphia, from the 4th to the 13th of June, 
inclusive, 1832." (Philadelphia, 1832.) 

These reports are useful for giving the name of prominent colored people, 
and also for the account they give of the condition of the free colored people 
at the North as well as at the South, and of the colony in Canada. 



G. LEGISLATION 
I. Congress 

American State Papers, Miscellaneous, Vol. 2. 

Annals of Congress. 

House Documents. (Many printed as separate pamphlets.) 

Register of Debates. 

II. State 

Pennsylvania. " An Act to give effect to the provisions of the Constitution 
of the United States relative to Fugitives from Labor, for the protection of Free 
People of Color, and to prevent Kidnapping, 1826." 

Pennsylvania. William Dunlop. " New Digest of the Acts of the Penn- 
sylvania Assembly." (Philadelphia, 1853.) 

South Carolina. " Important Act of the Legislature of South Carolina. 
Passed at the Session in December, 1823, to prevent Free Negroes and Persons 
of Colour from entering this State." (Charleston, 1830.) 

Texas. " Laws of the State of Coahuila and Texas." Published in 1839. 
A parallel edition in Spanish and English. 

Virginia. " Proceedings and Debates of the Virginia State Convention of 
1829-1830. To which are subjoined. The New Constitution of Virginia, and 
the Votes of the People." (Richmond, 1830.) 



H. LAW REPORTS, DIGESTS, ETC. 
I. Gener.'^l Works 

Cobb, T. R. R. "Inquiry into the Law of Negro Slavery." (1858.) With 
this is usually published his History of Slavery. 

Federal Cases, The. "Comprising Cases argued and determined in the 
Circuit and District Courts of the United States, from the earliest times to the 



Appendix D 291 

beginning of the Federal Reporter." (i 789-1880). Thirty volumes, and two 
digests. This is invaluable. (St. Paul, 1895, etc.) 

HuiiD, John Codman. "The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United 
States. Two volumes." (Boston and New York, 1858.) This was intended as 
a text-book, the first volume being a general dissertation on common law and 
the law of slavery. The second volume contains accounts of many court 
decisions in illustration of the law, and is invaluable, especially as it gives many 
which were tried in the lower courts of the various states. 

Kent, Judge James. "Commentaries on American Law." Four volumes. 
(12th edition, Boston, 1873.) 

Jones, Leonard Augustus. "Index to Legal Periodical Literature." Two 
volumes. (Boston, 1888, 1891.) 

Sergeant, Thomas. "Constitutional Law." (Philadelphia, 1830, 2d ed.) 

Stroud, George M. "A Sketch of Laws relating to Slavery in the several 
States of the United States of America." (Philadelphia, ist edition, 1827; 2d 
edition, enlarged and improved, 1856.) This is invaluable for the practical 
application of the laws. Stroud was an anti-slavery man, though not a member 
of any abolition society, and his book presents the law from that standpoint. 

Wheeler, Jacob D. "A Practical Treatise on the Law of Slavery, being 
a Compilation of all the Decisions on that Subject, in the several Courts of the 
United States and State Courts." (New York and New Orleans, 1837.) This 
is the most comprehensive work of its kind, and is invaluable. It gives the law 
and its applications from the Southern point of view, but while apparently 
partizan, shows that failing only in the deductions drawn from the facts, not 
at all in the facts themselves. 

It is only in the above works that we can learn of the decisions in the lower 
courts, and they are especially valuable for that reason. The digest, "Federal 
Cases," contains all cases on all subjects before the Federal Courts, which 
means, of course, all the cases of any real importance in the District of Columbia. 



II. ST.A.TE Reports, etc. 

1. Alabama. 

Martin, William J. " The Code of Alabama (1896-97). Prepared by 
W^illiam J. Martin, Commissioner." This gives the earlier constitution. 

Minor, Henry. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Supreme 
Court of Alabama." (1820-1826.) 

Stewart, George N. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the 
Supreme Court of Alabama." (1827-1831.) (The dates given refer to that 
part of the period 1808-1831 covered in the authority. When the dates 1808 
and 1 83 1 occur the entire period covered by the authority is not necessarily 
named.) 

2. Connecticut. 

Day, Thomas B. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Supreme 
Court of Errors of the State of Connecticut." Two volumes, i, 1808-1813; 2, 
1814-1831. The latter was published in 1848. 



292 Appendix D 

3. District of Columbia. 

Cranch C. C. Reports, quoted in " Federal Cases." 

" The Slavery Code of the District of Columbia, together with Notes 
and Judicial Decisions explanatory of the Same. By a member of the Washing- 
ton Bar." (Washington, 1862.) 

Washington C. C. Reports, quoted in " Federal Cases." 

4. Illinois. 

Breese, Sidney. " Reports of Cases at Common Law and in Chancery 
argued and determined in the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois." (1819- 
1831.) Published in 1831. 

"Genius of Liberty; An Extra. Slave Code of the State of Illinois." 
This is quite late, but it gives earlier dates. 

5. Indiana. 

Blackford, Isaac. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Su- 
preme Court of Judicature of the State of Indiana." (1819-1831.) 

6. Kentucky. 

Bibb, George M. " Reports of Cases at Common Law and in Chancery 
argued and decided in the Court of Appeals of the Commonwealth of Ken- 
tucky." (1808-1817.) 

Littell, William. " Reports of Cases at Common Law and in Chancery 
decided by the Court of Appeals of the Commonwealth of Kentucky." (1822- 
1824.) 

Marshall, Alexander K. " Decisions of the Court of Appeals of Ken- 
tucky." (1817-1821.) 

Marshall, J. J. " Reports of Cases at Common Law and in Equity argued 
and decided in the Court of Appeals of the Commonwealth of Kentucky." 
(1825-1828.) 

Monroe, Thomas B. " Reports of Cases at Common Law and in Equity 
argued and decided in the Court of Appeals of the Commonwealth of Ken- 
tucky." (1829-1831.) 

7. Louisiana. 

Martin, Francois-Xavier. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in 
the Supreme Court of the State of Louisiana." (1809-1830.) 

8. Maryland. 

Bland, Theodorick. " Reports of Cases decided in the High Court of 
Chancery of Maryland." 

DoRSEY, Clement. " Laws of Maryland, 1692-1S39." 

Gill & Johnson. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Court 
of Appeals in Maryland." (1829-1S31.) By Richard W. Gill and John 
Johnson. 

Harris & Gill. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Court of 
Appeals in Maryland." (1827-1829.) By Thomas Harris & Rich. W. Gill. 

Harris & Johnson. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Court 
of Appeals in Maryland." (1808-1826.) By Thomas Harris and Revcrdy 
Johnson. 



Appendix D 293 

9. Massachusetts. 

Mason's Reports, quoted in " Federal Cases." 

Pickering, Octavius. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the 
Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts." (1822-1831.) 

Tyng, Dudley Atkins. " Report of Cases argued and determined in the 
Supreme Court of Judicature of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts." (1808- 
1822.) 

10. Mississippi. 
Hutchinson's Code. 

Walker, R. J. " Reports of Cases adjudged in the Supreme Court of 
Mississippi." (1818-1831.) 

11. Missouri. 

Geyer. " Digest of the Laws of Missouri Territory." 

" Laws of the State of Missouri, 1825." 

Missouri Supreme Court Reports. " The Decisions of the Supreme 
Court of the State of Missouri." 1821-1827, by P. H. McBride, Sec'y of State; 
1828-1831, by J. C. Edward.s, Sec'y of State. 

12. New Jersey. 

Halsted, William, Jr. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the 
Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New Jersey." (1822-1831.) 

Pennington, Hon. Wm. S. " Report of Cases argued and determined in 
the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New Jersey." (1806- 
1813.) 

Southard, Samuel L. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the 
Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New Jersey." (1816-1820.) 

13. New York. 

Anthon, John, Esq. " The Law of Nisi Prius, being Reports of Cases 
determined at Nisi Prius, in the Supreme Court of the State of New York, 
with notes and commentaries on each case." (2d edition. New York, 
1858.) 

CowEN, EsEK. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Supreme 
Court and in the Court for the Trial of impeachments and the correction of 
errors of the State of New York." (1823-1827.) 

Johnson, William. " Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Su- 
preme Court of Judicature and in the Court for the trial of impeachments, 
and the correction of errors in the State of New York." (1808- 182 2.) 

"Selections from the Revised Statutes of the State of New York. Con- 
taining all the laws of the State relative to Slaves, and the law relative to the 
offence of kidnapping; which several laws commenced and took effect January 
I, 1830. Together with extracts from the laws of the United States respecting 
slaves. Published on behalf of the New York Manumission Society, by direc- 
tion of the Standing Committee. (New York, 1830.)" 

Wendell, John L. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Su- 
preme Court of Judicature and in the Court for the trial of impeachments and 
the correction of errors of the State of New York." (1828-1831.) 



2Q4 Appendix D 

14. North Carolina. 

Devereux, Thomas P. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in the 
Supreme Court of North Carohna." (1826-1831.) 

"EQtnxY Cases argued and determined in the Supreme Court of North 
Carohna." (1828-1831.) 

Hawkes, FR.4NCIS L. "Report of Cases argued and adjudged in the Su- 
preme Court of North Carohna." (1820-1826.) 

Haywood, "Manual of Laws." 

MuRPHEY, A. D. "Reports of Cases argued and adjudged in the Supreme 
Court of North Carohna." (1814-1819.) 

Taylor, J. L. "North Carohna Reports, embracing the 'CaroHna Law 
Repository,' etc." (1816-1818.) * 

15. Pennsylvania. 

BiNNEY, Horace. "Reports of Cases adjudged in the Supreme Court of 
Pennsylvania." (1808-1814.) 

Rawle, Willi.\m, Jr. "Reports of Cases adjudged in the Supreme Court 
of Pennsylvania." (1828-1831.) 

Sergeant and Rawle. "Reports of Cases adjudged in the Supreme Court 
of Pennsylvania." (1814-1828.) 

Yeates, Hon. Jasper. "Reports of Cases adjudged in the Supreme Court 
of Pennsylvania, with some select cases at Nisi Prius and in the Circuit 
Courts." 

16. South Carolina. 

Bailey, H. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Court of 
Appeals of South Carolina on appeal from the courts of law." (1828-1831.) 

Brevard, Hon. Joseph. "Reports of Judicial Decisions in the State of 
South CaroHna." (1809-1816.) 

Denmark Vesey Insurrection. "An Ofhcial Report of the Trials of 
sundry Negroes, charged with an attempt to raise an insurrection in the State of 
South Carolina: preceded by an Introduction and Narrative; and in an Ap- 
pendix, a report of the trials of four white persons, on indictments for attempt- 
ing to excite the slaves to insurrection. Prepared and published at the request 
of the Court. By Lionel H. Kennedy and Thomas Parker, Members of the 
Charleston Bar, and the Presiding Magistrates of the Court. (Charleston, 
1822.)" Pamphlet. The copy in the Boston Public Library has eight pages 
missing. 

McCoRD. "Reports of Cases determined in the Constitutional Court of 
South Carolina." (1821-1828.) 

Mill. "Reports of Judicial Decisions in the Constitutional Court of the 
State of South Carolina." (1812-1816.) 

"Reports of Judicial Decisions in the Constitutional Court of the State 
of South Carohna." (1817-1818.) 

"Reports of Cases determined in the Constitutional Court of South Caro- 
lina. By Henry Junius Nott, and David James McCord." (1817-1S20.) 
"Statutes at Large. (Collected by David J. McCord, 1839.)" 



Appendix D 295 

17. Tennessee. 

Maktin and Yerger's Reports. 

Yerger, George S. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Su- 
preme Court of Tennessee." (1818-1831.) 

18. Virginia. 

Gilmer, Francis W. "Report of Cases decided in the Court of Appeals of 
Virginia." (1820-1821.) 

Harper's Reports. 

Hening and Munford. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in the 
Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. By William W. Hening and William 
Munford." (1809-1810.) 

Leigh, Benjajhn Watkins. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in 
the Court of Appeals (of Virginia)." (1829-1831.) 

Munford, William. "Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Su- 
preme Court of Appeals of Virginia." (1810-1820.) 

Randolph, Peyton. " Report of Cases argued and determined in the Court 
of Appeals of Virginia, etc. " (1822-1828.) 

Virginia Cases. "A Collection of cases decided by the General Court of 
Virginia, etc. Judges Brockenburgh and Holmes." (1808-1814.) 

I. MISCELLANEOUS 

American Anti-Slavery Almanacs. Earliest, 1836. Good for early dates. 

Armistead, Wilson. "A 'Cloud of Witnesses' against Slavery and Op- 
pression. Containing the Acts, Opinions and Sentiments of Individuals and 
Societies in all ages." (London, 1853.) Contains some Americans. 

Child, DA\aD L. "The Despotism of Freedom: or the Tyranny and 
Cruelty of American Republican slave-masters, shown to be the worst in the 
world ; in a speech, delivered at the first anniversary of the New England Anti- 
Slavery Society, 1833." (Boston, 1833.) This gives some account of kidnap- 
ping and slave trade during the earlier period. 

"Democratic Opinions on Slavery, 1 776-1863." 

"Hancock" ; an apology for voting for the Fugitive Slave Law of 1851. 

"Liberty." A compilation (1837), giving some quotations from the early 
period. 

Liberty Almanacs. Useful for dates. (New York and Boston.) 

Lossing, B. J. Cyclopedia. 

May, Samuel, Jr. Catalogue of Anti-Slavery Publications in America. A 
very good list, with dates. 

Pennsylvania on the Missouri Question. Pamphlet. (1856.) 

Poole, William F. "Anti-Slavery Opinions before the Year 1800. Read 
before the Cincinnati Literary Club, Nov. 16, 1872, by William Frederick 
Poole, Librarian of the Public Library of Cincinnati." (Cincinnati, 1873.) 
There are also later opinions cited. 

Sabin. "Dictionary of Books relating to America." This will be of great 
service when it is completed through "Slavery." There is only occasionally 



296 Appendix D 

a book mentioned under other heads that is of service to the student of this 
subject. 

"Views of American Slavery Taken a Century Ago." (Philadelphia, 
1858.) The Appendix gives later opinions. 

Weld, Theodore Dwight. "American Slavery as it is: Testimony of a 
Thousand Witnesses." (New York. Published by the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, 1839.) 

Young, A. W. "American Statesman." 

A good many books, pamphlets, etc., are named in the books published in 
the period under discussion, and in later works, which the present writer has 
not been able to find in any of the libraries in which the work has been done, 
nor in those with which correspondence has been had. Many of these would 
be exceedingly valuable were they to be found, and a goodly number have been 
mentioned in the text. The following are the more valuable of this sort, judging 
from contemporary evidence. Those prefixed by * are of especial importance. 

I. Books of Travel 

Gould, William. The name was found, but no more. It may be the one 
who traveled in 1794. 

Mead, Whitman. "Travels in North America." (New York, 1820.) 
This is mentioned in Weld, "American Slavery as it is." 

Rochemont, Pictet DE. "Travels." The name alone was found. It may 
be an earlier traveler. 

II. Biography 

Coffin, Elijah, Life of. 1863. 
Kendall. Funeral Sermon of Samuel Dexter. 

Lewis, Enoch. Memoir by Joseph J. Lewis. (West Chester, Pa. 1882.) 
*Tarrant, Carter. "Biographical Sketches of the Kentucky Emancipa- 
tionists." Mentioned by Birney. Tarrant lived in the early part of the period. 

III. Autobiography 

Brookes, Edward. "Life and Journal." (In Friends' Miscellany, XII, 
1839.) He visited North CaroHna in 1813. 

Cadwallader, Priscilla. Memoirs. (Philadelphia, 1864.) 

Evans, Williams. Journal of Life and Religious Labors. (Philadelphia, 
1870.) 

FoRSTER, William. Memories. (London, 1865.) 

Healey, Christopher. Memoir. (Philadelphia, 1886.) . 

HoAG, Joseph. Journal. (Auburn, 1861 ; London, 1862.) 

Morris, Joseph. Reminiscences. (Ohio.) 

Williams, William. Journal. (Cincinnati, 1828.) 



Appendix D 297 



IV. Histories 

DuNLEVY. "History of the Miami Association." 

Spencer. "History of the Kentucliy Baptists." Mentioned in Birney. 

V. Books and Pamphlets Published, 1S08-1831 

Anti-Slavery Petitions. (1828). 

*Barrow, Rev. D.wid. " Invokmtary, Unmerited, Perpetual, Absolute, 
Hereditary Slavery Examined, on the Principles of Nature, Reason, Justice, 
Policy and Scripture." Published in Paris, Ky., between 1807 and 1813. This 
is mentioned and described in Benedict, History of the Baptists, which was 
published in 1813. 

*Brewster, Jarvis. "An Exposition of the Treatment of Slaves in the 
Southern States, particularly in the States of Maryland, Virginia, North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina, and Georgia." (New Brunswick, N. J., 1815.) This is 
given as quoted in Kenrick, "Horrors of Slavery," published in 181 7. 

*BuRGESs, Dyer. Pamphlet against slavery published in Ripley, Ohio, in 
1827. Mentioned in Birney. 

Clarkson, Thomas. "Essay on Slavery," republished by J. N. Lyle, in 
Kentucky in 1816. Mentioned in Birney. 

"Emigration to Hayti." (Philadelphia, 1825.) Mentioned in Birney. 

FiNLEY, James. Letter to Asa Mahan. Mentioned in Weld, "American 
Slavery as it is." 

*GiLLiL.AND, Rev. James. "Dialogues on Slavery." Published at Ripley, 
Ohio, in 1820. Mentioned by Birney. 

Hicks, Elias. " Observations on the slavery of Africans and their Descend- 
ants." 1814. 

Slavery in Indiana. 1824. 

Randolph, John. Address before the Virginia Legislature in 1820. 

Ibid. Letter to Josiah Quincy in 1814. 

*Impolicy of Slavery. 1823. Mentioned in Birney. 

*Pictures of Slavery. 1823. IMentioned in Birney. 

^Impolicy of Slavery Illustrated. 1825. 

" *Tennessee, Address before the Emancipation Society of." Quoted by 
Wm. D. Kelly, House of Representatives, Jan. 16, 1865. Printed by Huskell 
and Brown, 181 7. 

*Thornton. 1822. The writer is mentioned by Blane as writing against 
slavery. Not even the title or particular subject is given. 

*VVright, John. Pamphlet against slavery. Mentioned by W. Faux in 
his "Travels." No more details are given. 

VI. Newspapers, etc., 1808-1831 

*Abolition Intelligencer. A monthly paper published by Rev. John 
Finley Crowe under the auspices of the Kentucky Abolition Society, about 1822. 



298 Appendix D 

African Repository. There were proposals in the Christian Spectator for 
1823, for the pubHcation of a monthly, "The African Repository and Colonial 
Journal," by the American Colonization Society. One or two other notices of 
it have been found, but no copy of the paper itself. 

Edwardsville Spectator. Illinois, 1822. Edited by Hooper Warren. A 
number of the communications to the people of Illinois by the friends of freedom 
during the Illinois struggle were first printed in this paper, which did a good 
work for the slave in the period. 

*Emancipator. Published by Elihu Embree, at Jonesboro', Tenn., in 1820. 
An octavo monthly. The same name is also given with the name of Lambert 
as publisher, and the dates 1819 (?) and 1822. 

Illinois Intelligencer, 1823-1824. Edited by David Blackwell. 

Investigator, Providence, R. I. 1827. 

*Liberalist, The. New Orleans, La. Edited by Milo Mower. 

*Manumission Intelligencer. Tennessee, 1818. 

*Manumission Journal. Greenville, Tenn. (?) 1825. 

*Patriot, The. North Carolina. 

Phil.anthropist and Investigator, Boston, 1829. IMentioned by Birney. 

VII. Magazine Articles 

Fugitive Slaves. Democratic Review, April, 1851. 
Missouri Compromise. Ibid. vol. 34. 
Negro Slavery, 1823. Eel. R. 46. 490. 

VIII. Reports, etc. 

*Minutes of the North Carolina Manumission Society, 18x5-1835. Prop- 
erty of the No. Carolina Yearly IMeeting. (MSS?) 
Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Convention, 1837. 

IX. Miscellaneous 

Ames, Julius R. "Sentiments expressed by Southerners. A Compilation. " 
I think this was found at one time, but has been lost sight of, and cannot now 
be found. 

Churches, Testimony of the, etc., etc., 1767, 1819. 



INDEX 



Abolition by abstinence from slave- 
products, 175, 181; candidate in 
Maryland, 20, 135; in North, causes 
of, I ; constitution of Alabama on, 
51; formal argument for, 179; in 
the District of Columbia, American 
Convention on, 170, 181, 182, 183; 
in the District of Columbia, memo- 
rials for, 48, 49, 125, 185-188, 220; 
in Maryland, memorials for, 48, 49; 
in Pennsylvania, memorials for, 143; 
Intelligencer, 45, 130; Intelligencer, 
proposals for, 45; sentiment in the 
North, growth of, 108, 109; senti- 
ment, old fashioned, 108; societies 
enemies of the American Coloniza- 
tion Society, 204; universal, methods 
discussed, 171-174; was it a mistake ? 
94. See Anti-slavery. 

Activity against slavery, 34. 

Adams, John, attitude towards slavery, 
62. 

Adams, John Quincy, attitude towards 
slavery, 62, 63; on the Missouri Com- 
promise, 216; his opinion of the col- 
onization scheme, 205. 

Addresses published by the anti-slavery 
societies, 123. 

Address of the Manumission Society of 
North Carolina, 123, 124. 

African Observer, The, 83. 

African slave trade, 15, 162, 195. 

Aggressive work, beginnings of in 
North, 140. 

Alabama, constitution of, on abolition, 
51; on slave trials, 51, 240. 

Alarm of pro-slavery advocates, 34. 

Alexandria (Va.), Benevolent Society of, 
218. 

American Colonization Society, 104, 
199-204. 

American Convention, abolition dis- 
cussed in the, 167, 179; abolition in 
the District of Columbia, 170, 181, 
182, 183; in individual states, 170, 
175; universal, 170, 171; addresses 
to the societies, 177; address to the 



Kentucky Abolition Society, 178; 
advance in anti-slavery opinion, 182; 
attendance, 155; business of, 158; 
Colonization Society in the, 172; com- 
mittee on African Slave Trade, 162; 
committee on Internal Slave Trade, 
163 ; committee on Kidnapping, 163, 
164; compilation of Black Codes by, 
164; did denounce slavery, 193; dis- 
cussion of Domestic Slave Trade, 162, 
163; discussion of Foreign Slave 
Trade, 162 ; discussion of Kidnapping, 
163, 164; distribution of tracts, 157, 
160, 181; education of free negroes 
advocated, 165, 167; education of 
slaves advocated, 165, 166; emanci- 
pation discussed in, 172; first memo- 
rial to Congress, 158; for promoting 
the Abolition of Slavery and Im- 
proving the Condition of the African 
Race, 154; formal argument for abo- 
lition, 179; free and slave labor in, 
150, 167, 168, 169; history of slavery 
attempted by, 161 ; immediate eman- 
cipation in, 171, 173; individual 
emancipation urged in, 175; influ- 
ence of the, 177, 191; laws aiding 
manumissions recommended, 169; 
like Confederation, 191; manumis- 
sions recommended, 169; meetings 
held, 154; memorials. 144, 185-190; 
method of attack on slavery, 193; 
methods of arousing public sentiment, 
160, 161 ; of Delegates from Abolition 
Societies. 154; opinion on compulsory 
colonization, 178; opinion on Mis- 
souri Compromise, 178; power of 
execution, 191; primacy of, 192; 
publications of, 157, 158, 160, 161; 
relation to American Anti-Slavery 
Society, 191; representation in, 155; 
resolutions of, 158, 159, 161; state 
abolition urged in, 170, 175; topics 
discussed in, 158, 159, 167; use of 
profits of public lands advocated in, 
174,175; value of its work, 192; was 
it aggressive? 193. 



299 



?oo 



Index 



Amphlett, William, on Southern oppo- 
sition to slavery, 32. 

Andover Society of Inquiry concerning 
Missions, 66. 

Anti-slavery activity in the North, two 
centers of, 57; articles causing ner- 
vousness, in; articles in Boston Re- 
corder and Telegraph, 40, 41, 78; 
articles in Southern press, 42, 43 ; 
contest, elements of, 15; contest, 
real beginning of the active, 29, 2,3\ 
contest, three periods of the, 2; men 
elected to Legislature in North Car- 
olina, and Virginia, 36; men, posi- 
tive measures against, 112; Neglected 
Period of, 2 ; opinion, why radical in 
northwestern states, 148; organiza- 
tions, increase in, 104; pamphlets, 
denunciation of, in. 

Anti-slavery Societies, addresses pub- 
lished by, 123; compared with later 
ones, 153; enumeration of, 116; im- 
mediate emancipation in, 120; in 
Kentucky, 35, 119, 129; in North, 
140-150; in North, location of ma- 
jority of, 140; in North Carolina, 
121, 137, 138; in Ohio, 119, 148, 149; 
in South, characteristics of, 139; in 
South, location of majority of, 137; 
in Tennessee and North Carolina the 
largest, 121; names of, 119, App. B.; 
names of members of, 121, App. A.; 
opposed to domestic slave trade, 197; 
organization of, 122; representation 
in American Convention, 122; size 
of, 120; table of, 117; totals by 
states, 118; work done by, 122. 

Anti-slavery society in Wilmington, 
Delaware, work of, 119. 

Anti-slavery state ticket in Maryland, 
135; ticket in Philadelphia, 86; 
workers in New England, 66 ; work. 
South the leader in, 249. 

Apprentice system of Indiana, 208; of 
Ohio, 72. 

"Arator," 31. 

Associate Synod, Cannonsburg, Penn., 
99. 

Atlee, Edwin Pitt, M. D., of Philadel- 
phia, 64. 

Bacon. Leonard, 66. 

Baltimore, free produce store in, 151; 
memorial from, against slavery, 48; 
memorial from, against slavery ex- 
tension, 48; memorial from for abo- 



lition in District of Columbia, 48; 
petition from, against slavery in Mis- 
souri, 48; Protection Society, 136. 

Baptists and slavery, 100. 

Barrow, David, of Kentucky, on slavery, 

17- 

Barton, Isaac, resolutions on free labor, 
168. 

Beginning of active anti-slavery con- 
test, 29, 23- 

Benedict, David, on slavery, n. 

Beneficiary societies in Philadelphia, 73. 

Benton, Thomas H., on free state agi- 
tation, 216; on slavery in the ab- 
stract, 22. 

Bettle, Edward, of Philadelphia, 65. 

Bingham, Caleb, 79. 

Birkbeck, Morris, on attitude of the 
South, 32; work in Illinois, 219. 

Birney, James G., influence in Alabama, 
20; personal attitude towards slavery, 
20. 

Black codes, compiled by American 
Convention, 164. 

Blacks, memorials for protection cf, 125. 

Blane, William Newnham, on slavery, 

13- 

Boston Recorder and Telegraph, anti- 
slavery articles in, 40, 41, 78. 

Bourne, George, on immediate emanci- 
pation, 80-82. 

Branagan, Thomas, writings on slavery, 
76. _ 

Breeding states, 198. 

Bristed, John, writings on slavery, 76. 

Bryan, Daniel, poems, 21. 

Canada, escape of slaves to, 198. 

Candler, Isaac, on opinions of Virgin- 
ians, 38; opinion of attitude of Con- 
gress, 56. 

Carey, Matthew, writings on slavery, 77. 

Catholics and slavery, loi. 

Causes of growth of abolition in the 
North, i; of slavery in the South, i. 

Census Tables, 3-7; discussion of the, 
2, 8, 9. 

Centers of activity in the North, 57. 

Centerville (Penn.) Soc, 147. 

Centralization lacking in early societies, 

153- 
Chandler, Elizabeth Margaret, writings 

on slavery, 42. 
Chester County (Penn.) Soc, 147. 
Children of slaves, status of, 237, 238. 
Children's work for slaves, 42. 



Index 



301 



Chillicothe Presbytery, address on slav- 
ery, 100. 
Churches, attitude of the, 96. 
Churches for colored people, 13, 14, 15, 

73- 
Cincinnati (O.) Female Society, 148. 

Clarkson's History of the Abolition of 
the Slave Trade, 161. 

Clay, Henry, and emancipation in Ken- 
tucky, 19; attitude towards Ken- 
tucky Abohtion Society, 20; on 
slavery, 19. 

Clergy, indifference of, towards slavery, 
96. 

Coles, Edward, Governor of Illinois, 
57. 217. 

Collection of slave laws, 79. 

Colonization, African, 199; compul- 
sory, opinion of the American Con- 
vention, 178; opposed by colored 
people, 202; societies, table of, 106; 

Colonization Society, 104, 199-204; 
attitude of members toward slavery, 
202; combated by both sides, 205; 
denounced by anti-slavery societies, 
204; discussed in American Conven- 
tion, 172; growth of, 104; probable 
deduction as to anti-slavery tendency, 
205, 206. 

Colored churches in North, 73: citizen, 
his work for the slave, 91 ; free labor 
societies, 151; people on public lands, 
129; schools, 13, 14, 73, 74, 126, 142, 
143 ; Seamen's Act in South Carolina, 
246. 

Columbian, The, a pro-slavery paper, 
34- 

Columbian Orator, The, 79. 

Congress, action on Louisiana Constitu- 
tion Convention, 55; action on peti- 
tion of Marigny D'Auterive, 55; gen- 
eral attitude on slavery, 56. 

Congressmen, attitude of individuals 
on slavery, 63, 64; on slavery per se 
in Missouri, 215, 216. 

Constitution of Alabama on abolition, 
51 ; on trials of slaves, 51, 240. 

Constitutional nervousness of the South 
on the subject of slavery, in. 

Contest, elements of the anti-slavery, 
15; three periods of the, 2. 

Convention in Illinois, 218, 219. 

Convention system, 191. 

Conventions of colored men, 92, 93. 

Cooper, James Fenimore, on slavery, 12. 

Cornish, Samuel, of New York, 92. 



Court decisions, 222-248. 

Crawford, William, of Georgia; letter 

to Gov. Coles of Illinois, 22. 
"Crisis, The," by "Brutus," 114. 
Crowe, John Finley, 45. 

Dark side of slavery described, 78. 

Degradation of negroes in the North, 72. 

Delaware, Abolition Society, 127; eman- 
cipations in, 34; Free Labor So- 
ciety, 150, 152; laws to aid manu- 
mission, 52; memorial for abolition 
in, 49; resolution of Legislature for 
slavery prohibition in new states, 55; 
Weekly Advertiser refuses advertise- 
ment of runaway slave, 44. 

Delegate system, 191. 

"Delicacy" in South on subject of 
slavery, 251; when aroused, no. 

Denmark Vesey Insurrection, 245, 246. 

Denunciation of anti-slavery, in. 

Discussion of slavery impossible in 
South, 112; in Kentucky, 34. 

District of Columbia, abolition in, 16, 
219-221; abolition in, discussed in 
American Convention, 170, 181, 182, 
183 ; attitude of Congress towards 
abolition in, 37, 220; memorials for 
abolition in, 48, 49, 125, 185-188, 
220; petitions against slavery in, 87, 
219; property of whole nation, 183; 
resolutions for abolition in, 90; 
right of Congress to abolish slavery 
in, 183, 219; slavery in, a disgrace, 
182. 

Domestic slave trade, 15, 196, 197; 
discussed in American Convention, 
162, 163; memorials against, 144. 

Drayton, William, of South Carolina 
on slaVery, 22. 

Dred Scott Decision, a parallel case, 
230; sentiment before 183 1 directly 
opposed to, 228. 

Duncan, James M., on immediate eman- 
cipation, 80; on slavery in North, 71. 

Dupre, Lewis, of Charleston, S. C, book 
on slavery, 30; plan for emancipa- 
tion, 30. 

Earle, Thomas, of Philadelphia, 64. 
Education of colored children, 165, 166, 

167, 181, 182, 183; of slaves for 

freedom, 152, 166, 173, 179. 
Elements of the anti-slavery contest, 

1808-183 1, 15. 
Emancipation, attempt at, in Kentucky, w 



302 



Index 



53; by individuals, 34, 232; first 
discussed in American Convention, 
172; gradual, plans for, 173-176; 
immediate, 16, 80, 105, 107, 108; 
immediate, bad. for slave, 171, 173; 
immediate, feasible in District of 
Columbia, 175; immediate, not fea- 
sible in the United States, 173; im- 
mediate, societies for, 120; in Dela- 
vi'are, 34; in Maryland, 34; in 
Tennessee, 34; law in North Caro- 
lina, 52; less easy in 183 1 than in 
1808, 251; memorials for, in Dela- 
ware, 49; memorials for, in District 
of Columbia, 48, 49, 125, 185-188, 
220; memorials for, in Maryland, 48, 
49; petitions for, in Tennessee, 49; 
plans for, 39, 40, 79, I73> i74i 1751 
resolutions for gradual, 91. 

Emancipator, The, 45. 

Embree, Elihu, 45. 

Episcopalians and slavery, loi. 

Escape of slaves, 198. 

Evans, Estwick, attitude towards sla- 
very, 75; plan for emancipation, 79. 

Evarts, Jeremiah, 66. 

Faux, W., criticism of slavery in South 
Carolina, in; on slavery, 12, 72. 

Female anti-slavery societies, 148. 

Finch, John, on opinions of Americans, 
38; on slavery, 13. 

Finley, Rev. Robert, D.D., of New 
Jersey, founder of the American 
Colonization Society, 104. 

Flint, James, on slavery, 13. 

Florida, a test case, 190; attitude 
towards slavery in, 146; evasion of 
slave trade laws, 190; law concerning 
trials of slaves, 51; memorials for 
prohibition of slavery, 189, 190. 

Foreign slave trade, 15, 162, 195. 

Forten, James, of Philadelphia, 92. 

Fowler, George, of Virginia, 30. 

Fox, C. J., on slavery, 77. 

Franchise in North Carolina, 52. 

Franklin (Penn.) Society, 147. 

Free and slave labor, 150; address on, 
by American Convention, 150, 167, 
168, 169, 181. 

Free colored children cared for in 
Mississippi, 248. 

Freedmen not to be reenslaved, 233. 

Freedom, actual enjoyment of, a prima 
facie proof of right, 232; French law 
in Hispaniola, 232; Spanish law in 



Louisiana, 231; of slaves given by 

courts, 225-230. 
Freedom's Journal, 83. 
Freedom suits, slave protected in, 234, 

235- 

Free labor prohibited by slavery, 190; 
labor societies, 150-151; negroes in 
South, 13, 247; produce societies in 
Pennsylvania, 150, 151; produce 
stores, 151, 152; state agitation, 
Benton on, 216. 

Free State, birth in, gave freedom, 227; 
removal to, gave freedom, 227-229. 

Friends, Society of, loi. 

Fugitive slave, advertisement for re- 
fused in Delaware, 44; in Boston, 85; 
laws executed, 235, 236. 

Fugitive slaves, 16, 145; in South, 236, 
237; rescue of, 236. 

Garrignes, Samuel P., of Philadelphia, 
work against kidnapping, 164. • 

Garrison, William Lloyd, and Benjamin 
Lundy, comparison of attitude, 69; 
and Benjamin Lundy, in the "Gen- 
ius," 47, 68, 69; attitude before 1831, 
67; connection with Southern "deli- 
cacy," 114, 115; editorial work, 67; 
life in Baltimore before 1S28, 68; 
work in Vermont, 68. 

General Assembly of the Presbyterian 
church, and slavery, 98. 

"Genius of Universal Emancipation," 
26, 45, 68, 69; attitude, 45; details 
of publication, 45-47; proposals for, 

45- 
Georgia, law concerning trials of slaves, 

51; non-importation law, 51. 
Gibbons, Daniel, of Pennsylvania, 

work for fugitive slaves, 65. 
Gilliland, James, of Ohio, 60, 100; 

letter from Chillicothe Presbytery, 

100. 
Goodell, William, 85. 
Gradual emancipation a result of the 

American Colonization Society? 202- 

204; plans for, 173-176. 
"Gradualism " the characteristic of the 

period, 249. 
Gross, Ezra C, of New York, 64. 
Growth of abolition sentiment in North, 

causes of, i, 109; of slavery in the 

South, causes of, i. 

Hall, Basil, on opinions of Virginians, 
38. 



Index 



303 



Hall, Francis, on slavery, 12. 
Hamilton, Thomas, on free negroes, 13; 

on opinions in Maryland, 38. 
Harris, William Tell, on slavery, 12. 
Harrison, William Henry, of Ohio, on 

slavery, 85. 
Hicks, Elias, of Long Island, 65. 
"Hieronymus," Southern opponent of 

slavery, 41. 
Hodgson, Adam, on slavery, 13; on 

Southern opposition to slavery, 33. 
Hoffman, Michael, of New York, 64. 
Holmes, Isaac, on anti-slavery in the 

North, 71. 
Hopper, Isaac T., of Philadelphia, 65. 
Horton, Gilbert, case of, 220. 

Illinois, anti-slavery societies in, 150, 
218; constitution ambiguous, 88, 217; 
Governor Coles of, 217; immediate 
emancipation in, 250; indenture sys- 
tem, 88; pro-slavery convention in, 
218, 219; slavery in, 88, 217; struggle, 
57, 2i6-2ig; struggle, economic, not 
moral, 218; struggle, influence on 
abolition sentiment, 109; workers in, 

57, 58. 

Immediate emancipation, 16, 80, 105, 
107, 108; bad for slave, 171, 173; 
feasible in District of Columbia, 175; 
not feasible in United States, 173; 
societies, 120; was the cry success- 
ful? 193. 

Immediate emancipationists in minority 
in the period, 249; majority of in 
Illinois and Ohio, 250. 

Importation from outside the United 
States freed slave, 225; from another 
State freed slave, 226, 227. 

Inchiciuin on slavery, 11. 

Increase of slaves in United States, 2. 

Indiana, anti-slavery struggle in, 16, 
89, 208-210; apprentice system, 208; 
constitution ambiguous, 89, 210; 
fugitive slave act of 1824, 210; in- 
denture system, 89, 208, 223; legality 
of slavery in, 222, 229; "Log Con- 
vention," 209; practical slavery in, 
89, 208, 210. 

Individual emancipation, 34, 232. 

Inflammatory pamphlets, 246. 

Inheritance of slaves, 239. 

Insurrection, Denmark Vesey, 245; 
justiflcation of homicide, 245. 

Investigator, The, 85. 

Irritability of the South, iii, 112. 



Jay, William, legal work for slavery, 65. 

Jefferson on slavery, 18. 

Jones, James, of Tennessee, address of, 

Journal of the Times, resolution con- 
cerning, in American Convention, 161. 

Kenrick, John, writings, 78. 

Kentucky, amendment of the Constitu- 
tion to provide for abolition, 35; anti- 
slavery societies in, 119, 129; attempt 
at abolition, 53 ; attempt to form State 
abolition society, 35, 119, 129; Bap- 
tists in, 100, loi; growing senti- 
ment against slavery, 35. 

Kidnapping discussed in American 
Convention, 163, 164; illegal, 223; 
memorial against, 144; punished, 
223, 224; work of Watson and 
Garrignes of Philadelphia, 164. 

Killing of slave, 243; penalty for, 244, 
245. 

Knight, Henry C, attitude towards 
slavery, 76. 

Labor, free and slave, 150, 167, 168, 

169, 175, 181; James Raymond on, 43. 

Lamb and Ludny, free produce store, 

151- 

Lambert, John, on slavery, 11. 

Laws concerning trials of slaves, 51, 52; 
laws to check slave trade, 50. 

Legislatures, refusal to consider plans 
for emancipation, 40. 

Lewis, Enoch, &;^. 

Lewis, Evan, essay against slavery, 79. 

Liberalist, The, 45. 

Liberia purchased, 104. 

"Little William," article on slavery, 42. 

Livermore, Edward, of Massachusetts, 
resolution for amendment of the Con- 
stitution to prohibit slavery, 63. 

Loudon, Va., report from society in, 

131- 

Louisiana, constitution allowed colored 
militia, 51; constitutional convention, 
action of Congress, 55; non-impor- 
tation act, 52; Spanish law of free- 
dom in, 231. 

Lundy, Benjamin, and Garrison, 25, 47, 
68, 69; attitude on anti-slavery, 26; at- 
titude on Texas question, 27 ; common 
characterization of, 24; conversion of, 
to abolition, 24; delivery of lectures 
on slavery, 24, 25 ; editorial work 
against slavery, 26; Garrison's de- 



304 



Index 



scription of, 25 ; "Genius of Universal 
Emancipation," 26; journey to North, 
25; organization of societies, 24, 25; 
plans for emancipation, 26, 27. 
Lutherans and slavery, 101. 

Manumisson, a formal promise must be 
kept, 233, 234; Journal, 133; laws to 
aid, 52; recommended in American 
Convention, 169. 

Marigny D'Auterive, Petition of, 55. 

Markets, slave, 198. 

Marriage of slaves in North, 239. 

Maryland, Abolition Society, 134, 135; 
anti-slavery ticket in, 135; emanci- 
pations in, 34; indications that it 
would become free, 34, 38, 48 ; law fa- 
cilitating manumission, 52; memorials 
for abolition in, 48, 49; Methodists 
in, 97; opinions in, 38; Protection 
Society, 134; Raymond a candidate 
in, 20, 135; Societies in, 134, 135, 136. 

Massachusetts, consideration of expul- 
sory laws in, 72. 

Master, convictions for cruelty to slave, 
242, 243; rights over person of slave, 
242. 

Maxwell, William, articles on slavery, 
41. 

Mead, Joel K., Editorials on slavery, 43. 

Meigs, Henry, of New York, 64. 

Memorial from Baltimore against sla- 
very expansion 48 ; for gra,dual aboli- 
tion in Maryland, 48; from Frederick 
Co., Md., for abolition in Maryland, 
49; Harford Co., Md., for abolition 
in Maryland, 49; Maryland, for abo- 
lition in Maryland, 49; for gradual 
emancipation in Delaware, 49; in 
Kentucky to colonize blacks on pub- 
lic lands, 129; to Virginia Conven- 
tion of 1829, 50. 

Memorials against slavery in Missouri, 
87, 211, 212; against the slave trade, 
125; and petitions by anti-slavery 
societies, 125, 143, 144; for abolition 
in District of Columbia, 48, 49, 125, 
185-188, 220; for abolition in 
Maryland, 48, 49; for prohibition 
of slavery in Florida, 189, 190; for 
protection of blacks, 125; from 
American Convention, 185-190; from 
Baltimore against s!a\ery, 48; from 
citizens against slavery in Missouri, 
211, 212; from Manumission So- 
ciety of Tennessee against slavery 



extension, 132 ; for abolition in Dis- 
trict of Columbia, and United States, 
132; in relief of colored people, 
132; from Pennsylvania Abolition 
Society, 143, 144; from State leg- 
islatures against slavery in Missouri, 
III. 

Methodists and slavery, 97; General 
Conference and slavery. 97; Quar- 
terly Conference in Maryland, 97. 

Middletown, West (Penn.), Abolition 
Society in, 147. 

Miner, Charles, of Pennsylvania, reso- 
lution on slavery in District of Co- 
lumbia, 64, 221. 

Minge, David of Virginia, his manu- 
mission of slaves, 34. 

Mississippi Constitution on slave trials, 
240. 

Missouri, admission of, 15; Compro- 
mise, opinion of the American Con- 
vention on, 178; constitution on 
killing slaves, 52; constitution on 
trials of slaves, 52, 240; meetings, me- 
morials and petitions against slavery 
in, 48, 87; resolutions against slavery 
in, 90, 91; struggle, 210-216; strug- 
gle, era of, 29; struggle, influence of 
on anti-slavery sentiment, 109; strug- 
gle, slavery per se in, 210-213, 215, 
216. 

Morrill, David L., of New Hampshire, 

64. 
Mower, Milo, of New Orleans, 45. 
Murder of slave, by master or stranger, 

243. 244- 

National Anti-Slavery Tract Society, 

136. 
Neglected period of anti-slavery, 2 ; four 

divisions of, 29. 
Negro schools, 13, 14, 73, 74, 126, 142, 

143- 

Negroes, actual position of, in North, 
72; expelled from Ohio, 72; expul- 
sion of from Massachusetts consid- 
ered, 72. 

Nestor's plan for emancipation, 39. 

New England, part of, in work of period, 
249; slave trade in, 72; Weekly Re- 
view, 84. 

New Haven, anti-slavery society in, 
founded by Leonard Bacon, 66, 141 

New Jersey, gradual emancipation act 
of, 89. 

New Lisbon, Ohio, society in, 123, 149. 



Index 



305 



Newmarket, Md., Anti-Slavery Society 
of, 134. 

Newspapers at the North, BiT,. 

New York abolition act, go; abolition 
society, 142; and Pennsylvania al- 
ways active in anti-slavery, 250; col- 
ored soldiers, 8g; legality of slavery 
in, 223; legislation for benefit of 
slave, 89; meeting against slavery ex- 
. tension in Missouri, 212. 

Nicholson, Judge, of Baltimore Co., 
Md., work for slave, 23. 

Niles, Hezekiah, editorials by, 44. 

Ninan Edwards of Illinois on slavery, 32. 

Non-importation acts, 53. 

North, actual position of negroes in, 72; 
and South compared, 10; attitude 
of people of, 71. 

North Carolina, addresses of Manu- 
mission Society of, 123, 124; anti- 
slavery man elected State Senator, 36; 
attitude of, towards slavery, 36; con- 
stitution gave franchise to "all free- 
men," 52; constitution on slave trials, 
240; emancipations in, 34; general 
emancipation law in, 52; growing 
sentiment against slavery in, 36; laws 
concerning killing of slaves, 52; 
Manumission Society of, 137, 138; 
other societies in, 138; Quakers in, 
102. 

North, newspapers in the, 83; two 
centers of activity, 57. 

Northern anti-slavery societies; begin- 
ning of aggressive work, 140; loca- 
tion of majority of, 140. 

Northern legislatures, anti-slavery reso- 
lutions in, 90; plans for emancipation, 
79; travelers, sentiments of, 74. 

Northwestern states, reason for radical 
opinion in, 148. 

Ogden, George W., attitude on slavery, 

75- _ 

Ohio, anti-slavery societies in, 119, 148, 
149; apprentice system in, 72; ex- 
pulsory laws in, 72 ; immediate eman- 
cipation in, 250; Presbyterians in, 99; 
rumor of desire for slavery, 85 ; work- 
ers in, 59, 60, 61. 

Old-fashioned abolition sentiment, 109. 

Onus prohandi not on "people of color," 
230; on pure negro, 230. 

Osborn, Charles, of Ohio, 59, 60, 83. 

Osborne, Adlai Laurence, of North 
Carolina, 43. 



Palmer, John, on attitude of South, 32; 
on slavery, 12; on Wilmington Anti- 
Slavery Society, 119. 

Panama Congress, slavery not to be dis- 
cussed, III. 

Paulding, James K., attitude on slavery, 
75; on condition of slaves, 12. 

Paxton, John, of Virginia, 18; "Letters 
on Slavery," 18. 

Pennsylvania Abolition Society, 143; 
attitude on Florida, 146; attitude on 
Missouri, 146; benevolent work, 144; 
fugitive slaves, 145; memorial against 
domestic slave trade, 144; memorial 
against kidnapping, 144; memorial 
for total abolition in Pennsylvania, 
143; schools, 144; work for District 
of Columbia, 145. 

Pennsylvania, fugitive slaves in, 86, 90 ; 
meeting in Chester Co., against 
slavery in Missouri, 211; Presbyte- 
rians in, 99; sentiment in, 86; so- 
cieties in, 143, 147, 148; workers in, 
always active, 250. 

Period, characterization of, 252. 

Periods of anti-slavery contest, three, 2. 

Petition against slavery in Missouri, 
from Baltimore, 48; for gradual eman- 
cipation in Tennessee, 49. 

Petitions from anti-slavery societies, 125. 

Philadelphia, beneficiary societies in, 
73; prominent anti-slavery workers 
in, 64, 65. 

Philanthropist, The, 60, 83. 

Plumer, William, Jr., of Massachusetts, 
denunciation of slavery, 64. 

"Pocahontas: a proclamation," 213, 214. 

Politics, anti-slavery in, 20, 36, 86, 135, 
148, 149. 

Prentice, George D., 84. 

Presbyterian church and slavery, 98; 
General Assembly of, 98. 

Presbyteries, action of, 99. 

Press, Southern, articles on slavery, 42, 

43- _ 
Presumption arising from color not on 

"persons of color," 230; arising from 

color on pure negro, 230; arising from 

color reversed by other conditions, 

230, 231. 
Princeton College and abolition, 86. 
Pro-slavery, Alarm of, 34; paper, "The 

Columbian," 34. 
Protection of blacks, memorials for, 125. 
Purchase of days by slave, Schoolcraft, 

40. 



3o6 



Index 



Quaker influence in anti-slavery, loi- 
103, 136. 

Randolph, John, of Virginia, on slavery, 
22; speech on domestic slave trade, 
21. 

Rankin, John, of Ohio, 60; attitude 
toward slavery, 61; "Letters on 
Slavery," 61, 62. 

Rawle, William, of Philadelphia, 64. 

Raymond, Daniel, of Maryland, a can- 
didate, 20, 135 ; on Missouri Ques- 
tion, 20; Political Economy, 21; reso- 
lution on stale abolition, 170. 

Raymond, James, on slave and free 
labor, 43. 

Resolution in Delaware for prohibition 
of slavery in new states, 51^. 

Resolutions, anti-slavery, by State Leg- 
islatures, 90. 

Rhode Island, anti-slavery society in, 
141. 

Rice, David, of Kentucky, on slavery, 

17- 
Rodney, Caleb, on emancipations in 

Delaware, 34. 
Royall, Anne, on anti-slavery, 42. 
Russian system of serfdom advocated, 

173- 
Russwurm, John B., 83, 93. 

Schoolcraft, plan for purchase of days. 

40. 
Schools, Negro, 13, 14, 73, 74, 126, 142, 

143- 

Sectional jealousy, iia, 179, 251; in 
South Carolina, 113, 114. 

Serfdom, Russian, advocated, 173. 

Servile insurrection, 245. 

Shipley, Thomas, of Philadelphia, 64. 

Slave, America's«debt to the. 173, 179. 

Slave, basis for freedom suits, 222-230; 
breeding states, 198; conviction for 
cruelty to, 242, 243; freedom given 
by courts, 222-230; given land to 
earn freedom, 173; ill-treatment of, 
241, 242; killing of, 243, 244; labor, 
abstinence from, 175, 181 ; labor versus 
free, 150, 167, 168, 169, 181; laws, 
collection of, 79; markets, principal, 
198; plan to attach to land, 173, 
175; right of master over person, 242; 
right of, to freedom, 180. 

Slavers, ownership of, 195. 

Slavery, activity against, 34; as a dis- 
grace, 180; causes of growth in 



South, i; dark side of, 78; denunci- 
ation of, 183 ; discussed in Kentucky, 
34, 35; extension, memorial against, 
from Baltimore, 48; in District of 
Columbia a disgrace, 182; in Illinois, 
88, 217; in Indiana, 88, 208, 210; in 
new States prohibits free laborers, 190; 
in Northern States, legality of, 222, 
223, 229; not to be discussed in 
Panama Congress, m; per se in 
Missouri Question, 210-213, 215, 216; 
satirical defence of, 213, 214; what 
abolished? 193. 

Slaves, escapes of, 198; killing of, laws 
concerning, 52, 53, 54; treatment of, 
in South, II, 12, 13; trials of, laws 
concerning, 51, 52, 240. 

Slave trade, African, 15, 162, 195; de- 
clared piracy, 195 ; discussed in 
American Convention, 162; in New 
England, 72; laws to check, 50; laws 
evaded in Florida, 190; laws 
strengthened, 195. 

Slave trade, domestic, 15, 196, 197; de- 
nunciation of, 196; discussed in 
American Convention, 162, 163, 197; 
growth unchecked, 196; memorials 
against, 144; opposition to, 196, 197. 

Slave traders before courts, 224, 225; 
not easily convicted, 196. 

Slave trials in North were under com- 
mon law, 239; in South not under 
common law, 240; witnesses in 
courts, 241. 

South, attitude of, towards slavery, 17, 

32, 3:i- 

South Carolina Colored Seamen's Act, 
246. 

South Carolina law concerning killing 
of slaves, 53 ; non-importation act, 53 ; 
sectional jealousy in, 113, 114. 

South, growth of spirit of emancipation 
in, 37; irritability of, 112; leader in 
anti-slavery work of period, 249. 

Southern anti-slavery societies, char- 
acteristics of, 139; location of, 137. 

Southern press, articles on slavery in, 

37, 42, 43- 
State abolition recommended, 170, 

175- 

States, slave-breeding, 19S. 

Stoddard, Amos, on Louisiana and 
slavery, 75 ; plan for emancipation, 79. 

Stone, W. L., plan for universal aboli- 
tion, 171, 174; resolution on slave ed- 
ucation, 166. 



Index 



Stroud, George M., collection of slave 

laws, 79. 
Sunsbury (Ohio) Society, 149. 
Swaim, William, of Noith Carolina, 23. 
Synod, Presbyterian, action on slavery, 

99. 

Table of anti-slavery societies 117; of 
colonization societies, 106. 

Tables of censuses, 3-7; discussion of, 
2, 8-10. 

Taney, Roger B., defence of Rev 
Jacob Gruber, 22. 

Taylor Col. John, "Arator," 31. 

Tennessee, aid to manumissions, 53 ; 
emancipations in, 34; manumission 
society of, 131, 132, 133; Aloral, Re- 
ligious, Manumission Society of, 133; 
non-importation act, 53; petitions 
for gradual emancipation, 49; Pres- 
byterians in, 100. 

Territories common property of all 
States, 190. 

Texas, slavery in, 53. 

Thomas, David, attitude of, 75. 

Torrey, Jesse, writings, 78. 

Tracts, distribution of, 181. 

Travelers' testimony as to slavery in the 
South, II, 12, 13, 31. 

Trials of slaves, how conducted, 239, 
240; laws concerning, 51, 52. 

Trollope, Frances (Milton), on slavery, 
12. 

Turnbull, Robert J., "The Crisis," 114. 

Tyson, Elisha, of Philadelphia and 
Baltimore, 23, 24; and the Protec- 
tion Society of Maryland, 24. 



Underground railroad, 198. 

Vaux, Roberts, of Philadel 

tude of, 64. 
Vermont, legality of slavery in 
"Vigornius," attack on slavery 
Virginia, anti-slavery man elt 
legislature in, 36; code, ki. 
slaves, 54; constitutional con> 
of 1829-1830, 50, 54, 55; Conve 
130; opinion in, 38, 39; Quake 
103; society in Alexandria, 128 
ciety in Loudon, 131. 

Walker, David, of Boston, 93. 

Walker's "Appeal," 93-95. 

"Wandering Philanthropist," 30. 

Washington (D.C.), Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety, 123, 128; (Penn.) Convention, 
148. 

Watson, Joseph, of Philadelphia, his 
work against kidnapping, 164. 

Webster, Daniel, his equivocal attitude 
towards slavery, 63. 

Welby, Adlard, on opinions of Ameri- 
cans, 37. 

Western Pennsylvania, societies in, 
148. 

Whittier, John G., 84. 

Williams College Anti-Slavery Society, 
85, 123, 140. 

Wilmington (Del.) Anti-Slavery Society, 
work of, 119. 

Witness of slaves in South, 241. 

Wright, Frances, slave establishment in 
Tennessee, 152. 



45^ 



